GIFT   OF 
MICHAEL  REE&E 


SOUTH  AMERICA 


BOLIVAR'S  ENTRANCE  INTO  CARACAS. 


SOUTH  AMERICA 


A  POPULAR  ILLUSTRATED  HISTORY 
OF  THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  LIBERTY  IN 
THE  ANDEAN  REPUBLICS  AND  CUBA 


BY 

HEZEKIAH  BUTTERWORTH 

AUTHOR  OF  "OVER  THE  ANDES,"  "  ZIGZAG  JOURNEYS,"  ETC. 


"Where  Liberty  is,  there  is  my  country." 

—  LA  FAYETTE. 


NEW  YORK 
DOUBLEDAY  &  McCLURE  CO. 

1898 


Copyright,  1898,  by 

DOUBLEDAY  &   McCLURE  Co. 


PREFACE 


THIS  volume  relates  the  story  of  liberty  and  progress 
in  Latin  America.  It  is  also  an  introduction  to  a 
study  of  the  Andean  republics  and  those  on  the  Spanish 
Main. 

The  struggle  for  liberty  in  Cuba  but  follows  the  events 
of  the  Latin  republics  of  the  Andes,  and  throws  a  new 
light  on  those  heroic  endeavors. 

South  America  is  one  of  the  lands  of  the  future.  The 
immigration  to  that  country  is  now  rivaling  that  to  North 
America,  and  to  the  overcrowded  populations  of  Europe 
the  south  temperate  zone  is  the  waiting  world. 

An  English  poet  of  prophetic  gifts  is  recorded  as  say- 
ing that  in  the  progressive  development  of  America,  South 
America,  or  the  table-land  of  the  Andes,  was  not  unlikely 
to  become  the  theater  of  great  achievements,  an  opinion 
also  shared  by  the  author  of  "  Social  Evolution."  It  is 
objected  to  this  that  much  of  South  America  is  tropical, 
and  that  the  lands  of  the  Sun  are  unfavorable  to  the  de- 
velopment of  the  virtues  and  arts  of  peace.  But  out  of 
nearly  such  conditions  of  mingled  temperate  and  tropical 
climates  came  the  poems  of  Job  and  Homer,  the  arts  of 
Egypt,  and  the  sacred  literature  whose  principles  govern 
the  conscience  of  the  world.  Sarmiento,  the  educational 
President  and  prophet  of  Argentina,  once  said  that  Buenos 
Ayres  would  become  the  greatest  city  of  the  three  Amer- 


VI  PREFACE 

icas.  This  may  be  too  large  a  vision.  But  whatever  may 
be  the  future  of  South  America,  her  growth  is  such  as  to 
make  her  recent  history  a  very  interesting  study  to  the 
popular  mind. 

To  write  an  adequate  history  of  South  America  and 
Central  America  would  require  a  lifelong  preparation  of 
study  and  travel,  and  more  than  ordinary  ability,  insight 
and  vision,  to  which  gifts  the  present  writer  can  make  no 
claim.  He  has  wished  to  interest  others  in  the  story  of 
liberty  in  these  lands,  to  picture  Bolivar's  march  to  the 
south  and  San  Martin's  to  the  north,  the  meeting  of  these 
heroes,  the  central  campaign  in  the  Peruvian  highlands, 
and  the  progress  of  the  new  republics  after  the  Congress 
of  Panama.  If  such  be  but  history  in  outline  and  picture, 
it  is  a  story  most  pleasing  to  write,  and,  we  may  hope, 
not  uninteresting  to  read. 

In  1895  tne  writer  visited  Buenos  Ay  res,  went  over  the 
Andes  to  Valparaiso,  and  up  the  west  coast  to  the  ports 
of  Tarapaca,  to  Callao,  Lima,  and  Guayaquil,  and  afterward 
to  Cartagena  and  Costa  Rica.  These  excursions  led  him 
to  spend  much  time,  on  his  return,  in  reading  works  on 
these  countries  in  the  Boston  Public  Library,  which  is  rich 
not  only  in  the  collections  made  by  Ticknor  and  Prescott, 
but  in  books  of  travel  in  South  America,  and  local  narra- 
tives of  South  American  cities,  and  in  biographies  of  heroes 
like  Don  Ambrosio  O'Higgins,  Lord  Cochrane,  General 
William  Miller,  and  many  South  American  leaders  of 
English  descent  or  of  English  education.  The  reading 
of  these  books,  and  that  of  the  travels  of  Humboldt, 
has  been  followed  by  the  reading  of  the  popular  works 
of  Sarmiento,  Mitre,  Pilling,  and  of  local  poets,  some  of 
whose  poems  are  events  in  picture.  Strongly  partizan 
pamphlets,  and  books  forged  out  of  some  special  ex- 
perience, like  Larrazabal's  vivid  "  Life  of  Bolivar,"  of 


PREFACE  Vll 

which  only  the  first  volume  was  published,  and  like  James 
Briggs's  "  Life  of  Miranda,"  give  episodes  in  strong  color- 
ings, which  are  interesting  to  collect  and  reproduce  in  an 
historical  order. 

In  this  course  of  reading,  following  his  excursions,  the 
writer  was  led  to  wish  to  tell  the  story  of  South  American 
liberty  for  popular  reading,  as  an  introduction  to  a  study 
of  South  American  history.  He  has  sought  to  explain 
events  so  clearly  to  the  reader  that  his  narrative  may 
prepare  the  way  for  more  philosophical  studies  of  a  most 
interesting  phase  of  the  recent  progress  of  mankind. 

South  America,  after  the  manner  of  the  lesser  countries 
Japan  and  Mexico,  seems  about  to  surprise  the  world  by 
her  industrial  achievements.  The  liberators  of  the  vice- 
royalties  and  the  pioneers  of  science  are  the  heroes  of  a 
great  preparation,  and  in  harmony  with  this  spirit  of  patri- 
otic educational  and  industrial  progress  this  interpretation 
is  written.  As  much  as  South  America  owes  to  Bolivar, 
San  Martin,  and  Sucre,  the  emancipators,  she  feels  her  ob- 
ligation to  men  like  William  Wheelwright  of  Newburyport, 
Massachusetts,  who  made  for  her  shores,  ports,  lighthouses 
and  harbors,  founded  the  South  American  Steam  Naviga- 
tion Company,  caused  the  railway  across  the  pampas  to  be 
built,  created  the  canal  of  Ensenada,  and  planned  the  rail- 
way over  the  Andes  from  Buenos  Ayres  to  Santiago  de 
Chili  and  Valparaiso.  This  captain  of  industry  has  two 
grand  monuments  in  South  America,  and  a  more  humble 
memorial  in  his  native  town  of  Newburyport. 

The  immigration  of  the  eastern  world  to  South  America 
is  becoming  so  great  that  already  this  eastern  movement 
across  the  placid  seas  of  the  equator  is  laying  the  founda- 
tion of  a  new  Latin  race  under  the  peaks  of  Tupungato, 
Aconcagua,  Illimani  and  Chimborazo.  The  "  purple 
empire  that  England  lost,"  resourceful  Argentina,  extends 


Vlll  PREFACE 

her  ports  and  multiplies  her  cities,  in  which  float  the 
flags  of  Italy,  Germany,  England  and  the  East.  Buenos 
Ayres  has  now  a  population  of  nearly  seven  hundred 
thousand  souls,  and  may  number  nearly  a  million  at  the 
close  of  the  century. 

A  land  of  wonder  awaits  these  new  immigrants. 
South  America  embraces  an  eighth  of  the  globe.  The 
whole  area  of  the  United  States  could  find  room  in  the 
marvelous  valley  of  the  Amazon,  whose  fertile  fields  would 
sustain  an  incalculable  population.  The  Mississippi  would 
be  lost  in  the  river  that  drains  the  Andes.  The  glittering 
domes  of  the  Cordilleras  surpass  by  a  mile  the  highest 
peaks  of  the  northern  part  of  the  hemisphere.  Cotopaxi 
lifts  her  snowy  chimney  five  times  as  high  as  Vesuvius. 

The  stupendous  table-lands  where  the  Incas  ruled  in 
their  glory,  and  that  begin  at  silver  Potosi,  the  highest 
large  city  on  earth,  and  end  at  Quito,  in  the  shadow  of 
Chimborazo,  have  an  area  of  more  than  four  times  the 
State  of  New  York.  Lake  Titicaca,  the  supposed  crater 
of  a  volcano,  is  twelve  thousand  feet  high.  The  Bolivian 
highlands,  the  region  of  the  alpaca,  the  vicugna,  and  of 
the  crags  of  the  condor,  are  capable  of  maintaining  a 
population  surpassing  that  of  France  or  Spain.  And  in 
these  temperate  altitudes  are  to  be  found  all  varieties  of 
climates,  and  the  productions  of  all  zones. 

Here  spread  the  coast  solitudes  of  Atacama,  with  its 
resources  of  silver,  and  the  white  desert  of  Tarapaca,  the 
natural  laboratory  of  vegetable  food,  that  causes  the  out- 
worn gardens  of  Europe  to  bloom  again. 

The  early  history  of  these  vast  regions  that  await  the 
future  is  one  of  moral  and  spiritual  suggestion,  of  heroism 
and  romance.  The  period  of  the  Spanish  and  Italian  dis- 
coveries has  been  a  tempting  theme  to  the  writers  on 
human  achievement,  and  the  ideal  civilization  of  the  period 


PREFACE  IX 

of  the  Incas  has  interested  the  historian.  The  Spanish 
conquerors  have  been  pictured  in  romance  and  song,  and 
by  the  regretful  pen  of  the  philosopher.  But  the  story  of 
the  heroes  of  the  republics  of  South  America,  though  it 
has  found  a  considerable  place  in  narrative  and  critical 
history,  has  not  often  been  told  in  popular  form.  It  is 
the  purpose  of  this  volume  to  tell  this  story,  as  the  like 
story  of  our  own  land  has  often  been  told,  for  home  read- 
ing, for  the  social  club,  the  school- room,  and  for  the 
pioneer  of  opportunity. 

In  regard  to  the  style  of  the  book,  the  writer  has  aimed 
to  make  vivid  and  picturesque  what  seemed  to  him  the 
heroic  and  prophetic.  His  purpose  has  been  to  interest 
the  reader  in  what  is  most  noble  and  promising,  to  be  true 
to  the  spirit  of  events,  and  accurate  in  noting  progress 
from  the  liberal  and  optimistic  point  of  view.  He  has 
undertaken  this  introductory  work  less  in  the  spirit  of 
authorship  than  in  the  hope  that  he  who  reads  this  will 
read  more  from  the  authors  cited,  and  be  led  to  study  the 
more  adequate  sources  of  information  about  a  country  of 
heroic  achievement  and  wonderful  resources,  that  promises 
to  take  a  foremost  place  in  the  new  history  of  the  New 
World. 

28  WORCESTER  STREET,  BOSTON,  MASSACHUSETTS, 
July,  1898. 


INTRODUCTION 


THE  whole  of  South  America  for  the  two  centuries 
after  the  Columbian  discovery  was  a  viceroyalty  of 
Spain.  At  first  it  had  but  one  viceroy,  the  seat  of  whose 
government  was  in  Peru.  From  a  very  early  period  Lima, 
which  came  to  be  called,  in  the  poetic  language  of  the  con- 
querors, the  "  Pearl  of  the  Pacific,"  was  the  "  City  of  the 
Kings."  In  the  golden  days  of  the  Spanish  Main  colonial 
settlements  multiplied  in  the  viceroyalty,  and  some  of  the 
most  important  of  these  were  on  the  eastern  coast.  There 
New  Granada  arose,  with  the  city  of  Cartagena,  whose 
gigantic  fortifications  and  walls  are  still  a  wonder. 

As  the  population  grew  the  viceroyalty  was  found  to 
be  too  large  for  the  administration  of  the  government. 
For  this  reason  Spain  created  another  viceroyalty  in  New 
Granada  in  1718,  and  a  captaincy  at  Caracas  in  1734. 
During  this  period  of  subdivision  a  viceroyalty  was  founded 
at  Buenos  Ayres,  and  a  captaincy  in  Chili. 

South  America  was  wholly  governed  by  the  kings  of 
Spain,  who  maintained  for  the  judgment  of  its  common 
affairs  the  Council  of  the  Indies,  or  of  West  India.  This 
council  instituted  a  local  court  of  inspection,  called  the 
Audiencia.  This  was  also  a  court  of  appeal.  The  author- 
ity of  these  bodies  was  only  advisory.  The  King  of 
Spain  governed  all;  his  will  was  supreme. 

The   viceroy,   or   vice-  king,   represented    the    Spanish 


xii  INTRODUCTION 

throne.  He  was  president  of  the  Council  of  the  Indies. 
His  salary  was  sixty  thousand  dollars,  or  pesos,  in  Peru, 
and  forty  thousand  dollars  in  New  Granada  and  Buenos 
Ayres.  The  viceroy,  as  a  rule,  held  his  office  for  five 
years. 

The  cabildo  was  a  popular  assembly  somewhat  corre- 
sponding in  purpose  and  form  to  a  council  of  a  mayor  and 
aldermen.  An  alcalde  was  a  judge,  or  a  justice  of  the 
peace.  A  Spanish  Creole  was  a  Spaniard  born  in  the 
colony.  He  was  little  more  than  a  Spanish  slave. 

These  simple  explanations  are  a  necessary  introduction 
to  Spanish- American  history  for  popular  reading. 

The  purple  flag  of  the  liberation  of  the  north  of  South 
America  went  from  Venezuela  to  New  Granada,  and 
thence  to  Ecuador  and  over  the  Peruvian  Andes.  It  was 
first  thrown  to  the  breeze  by  Miranda,  and  was  borne  on 
its  march  of  flame  and  blood  to  Peru  by  Bolivar.  This 
was  the  southward  march  of  liberty. 

The  purple  flag  of  the  liberation  of  the  south  of  South 
America  went  from  Buenos  Ayres  (Argentina)  over  the 
Andes,  and  emancipated  Chili  and  Peru.  The  flag  was 
borne  by  San  Martin,  and  the  banner  of  the  southern  army 
of  the  Andes  was  emblazoned  with  the  emblem  of  the  Sun. 
This  represents  the  northern  march  of  liberty. 

The  two  flags  of  liberation,  that  of  the  north  and 
that  of  the  south,  met  in  Peru,  in  Lima,  the  "  City  of  the 
Kings."  General  Sucre  completed  the  liberation  in  the 
Peruvian  Andes. 

It  is  our  purpose  to  describe  the  march  of  the  two 
flags  of  liberation,  the  victory  of  the  united  banners  in 
Peru,  and  to  trace  in  outline  the  industrial  and  educational 
progress  of  the  republics  of  the  Sun. 

Ducoudray-Holstein,  an  officer  under  Bolivar  in  the 
war  of  the  liberation,  thus  clearly  presents  the  march  of 


INTRODUCTION  »  Kill 

events  in  the  Atlantic  provinces  of  South  America  from 
the  beginning  of  the  revolution  to  the  battle  of  Carabobo, 
near  Valencia,  Venezuela,  which  was  the  Yorktown  of  the 
war  of  the  patriots  of  the  north : 

"  The  following  are  the  principal  revolutions  and 
changes  of  government  on  the  Main,  from  April  19,  1810, 
until  December,  1819,  when  Venezuela  and  New  Granada 
nited  under  one  government,  which  took  the  name  of  the 
Republic  of  Colombia. 

"  In  Venezuela  the  Spanish  government  was  changed 
by  a  revolution  which  took  place  at  Caracas,  April  19, 
1810,  when  the  Captain- General  Emparan  and  the  Real 
Audiencia  were  arrested,  and  a  provisional  junta  was 
formed,  under  the  name  of  '  Junta  Established  for  the 
Preservation  of  the  Rights  of  His  Majesty,  the  King  Fer- 
dinand VII.' 

"  On  March  2,  181 1,  the  Congress  of  Venezuela  opened 
its  sessions  at  Caracas.  It  was  composed  of  the  deputies 
of  the  following  provinces:  Margarita,  Caracas,  Merida, 
Cumana,  Barcelona,  Barinas  and  Truxillo.  By  an  act  of 
July  5,  1811,  Congress  declared  the  republic  of  Venezuela 
free  and  independent  of  Spain.  On  the  2ist  of  December 
of  the  same  year  it  sanctioned  a  constitution  which  bound 
the  provinces  together  by  a  federal  act,  like  that  of  the 
United  States  of  America.  But  these  several  provinces, 
being  exposed  both  to  internal  faction  and  to  invasion  from 
without,  were  scarcely  able  separately  to  bear  the  expense 
incurred  for  their  own  preservation,  so  that  the  expenses 
of  the  general  government,  and  the  support  of  the  army 
and  navy,  fell  chiefly  upon  Caracas.  Congress  was  in  a 
prosperous  state,  when  the  dreadful  earthquake,  together 
with  the  loss  of  Puerto  Cabello,  and  the  capitulation  of 
Vittoria,  between  Generals  Miranda  and  Monteverde, 
ruined  the  government,  and  destroyed  the  Congress  and 


XIV  INTRODUCTION 

republic  of  Venezuela  (July,  1812).  The  country  was  left 
to  anarchy,  and  subjected  to  the  power  of  the  sword. 

"On  August  14,  1814,  General  Simon  Bolivar  entered 
the  city  of  Caracas  as  conqueror,  and  assumed  the  title  of 
'  Dictator  Liberator  of  the  West  of  Venezuela/  and  es- 
tablished an  arbitrary  military  government.  General  San 
lago  Marino  had  done  the  same  before  in  the  provinces  of 
Cumana,  Barcelona,  etc.,  under  the  title  of  '  Dictator 
Liberator  of  the  Provinces  East  of  Caracas.' 

"July  17,  1814,  the  Spaniards  again  entered  the  city  of 
Caracas.  In  consequence  of  the  battle  of  La  Puerta, 
where  the  two  dictators  were  beaten  by  Boves,  the  Span- 
iards shortly  after  took  possession  of  the  provinces,  which 
the  two  dictators  and  their  troops  had  evacuated.  In  the 
night  of  the  24th  and  25th  of  August  the  dictators  em- 
barked at  Cumana. 

"  Venezuela  again  became  subject  to  the  bayonet,  and 
each  military  chieftain  governed  despotically  the  territory 
occupied  by  his  troops. 

"May  5,  1816,  Simon  Bolivar,  with  some  armed  men, 
entered  again  the  territory  of  Venezuela  (the  island  of 
Margarita),  and  assumed  the  title  of  '  Supreme  Chief, 
Captain- General  of  the  Forces  of  Venezuela  and  New 
Granada/  etc. 

"  On  the  6th  of  July  of  the  same  year  he  lost  that  title 
and  Venezuela,  when  he  suddenly  embarked  at  Ocumare 
for  the  Dutch  island  of  Buen  Ayre. 

"  On  December  31,  1816,  General  Bolivar  landed  again 
at  Barcelona,  and  reassumed  the  title  of  '  Supreme  Chief, 
Liberator  of  the  Republic  of  Venezuela,  Captain-General/ 
etc.  He  had  been  called  through  the  powerful  influence 
of  Admiral  Louis  Brion,  but  under  the  express  condition 
that  he  should,  upon  his  arrival,  assemble  a  congress  at 
Barcelona.  He  not  only  neglected  to  do  so,  but  he  per- 


city 


INTRODUCTION  XV 

secuted  the  members  of  the  Congress  at  Cariaco,  May, 
1817. 

"  In  consequence  of  General  Bolivar's  unfortunate  cam- 
paign in  1818  against  Morillo,  the  general  dissatisfaction 
of  the  inhabitants  of  Angostura  with  that  campaign,  and 
the  strong  representations  of  Brion,  Zea,  Manuel  Torres, 
Dr.  Roscio,  Dr.  Carli,  and  other  patriots,  the  supreme 
f  was  compelled  at  last  to  assemble  a  congress  at  the 

;y  of  Angostura,  under  the  name  of  the  Congress  of  the 
Republic  of  Venezuela.  Bolivar  was  chosen  President  of 
the  republic." 

After  the  battle  of  Boyaca,  Bolivar  united  Venezuela 
and  New  Granada,  under  the  name  of  Colombia. 

The  revolution  against  the  Spanish  rule  in  America 
began  in  Buenos  Ayres,  and  in  the  north  at  Caracas  at 
about  the  same  time.  The  two  movements  met  in  AktP, 
Peru. 

Under  the  rule  of  the  viceroys  the  people  of  South 
America  had  practically  no  rights.  Spain  only  allowed 
them  certain  privileges  in  return  for  obedience  and  service. 
They  were  made  slaves  and  were  robbed  in  the  name  of 
the  government.  Out  of  their  servitude  and  enforced 
labor  Spain  became  one  of  the  richest  of  nations.  It  was 
death  for  a  Creole  to  protest  in  any  open  way  against  in- 
justice. One  of  the  greatest  forms  of  injustice  was  the 
mita,  or  the  enforced  labor  of  the  native  population. 
On  the  Spanish  Main  the  tyranny  was  as  great  as  it  was 
on  the  land. 

There  were  enlightened  and  patriotic  priests;  some  of 
the  leading  heroes  were  priests ;  but  in  general  the  eccle- 
siastical tyranny  was  as  rigorous  as  that  of  the  state.  (See 
Appendix.)  The  church  as  well  as  the  state  enforced  the 
view  that  America  was  the  gift  of  the  Holy  See  to  Spain,- 
and  that  it  was  the  divine  right  of  the  king  to  rule, 


xvi  INTRODUCTION 

and  that  the  king  could  do  no  wrong.  Any  plea  for 
justice  outside  of  royal  authority  was  both  treason 
and  heresy. 

Such  was  the  civil  condition  in  South  America  when  the 
first  revolution  arose  under  Tupac  Amaru. 


CONTENTS 

PAGE 

PREFACE v 

INTRODUCTION xi 

CHAPTER 

I.  TUPAC  AMARU,  THE  INCA  REVOLUTIONIST    .    .        i 
II.  THE    KNIGHT    ERRANT    OF     LIBERTY — THE 

DREAM  OF  MIRANDA 19 

III.  JOSEPH  BONAPARTE,  KING  OF   SPAIN  AND  OF 

THE  INDIES 28 

IV.  SIMON   BOLIVAR,   THE    WASHINGTON    OF    THE 

SOUTH 34 

V.  THE   INDEPENDENCE,  1811  —  THE    EVENT   OF 

JULY  4 — THE  DECLARATION 43 

VI.  THE  EARTHQUAKE  AT  CARACAS  —  AN  HEROIC 
EPISODE  —  MONTEVERDE  —  THE  UNLOCKED 
DOOR  —  THE  FAILURE  OF  MIRANDA     ...      53 
VII.  THE  COLONIAL  SYSTEM  —  WHAT  LATIN  AMER- 
ICA   SUFFERED  —  THE    SPANISH  VICEROYAL- 
TIES  —  THE    MANIFESTO    OF    ARGENTINA  — 
THE    EXPULSION   OF   THE  JEWS  FROM  SPAIN 
—  THE  PERSECUTIONS  OF  THE  NATIVE  AMER- 
ICAN RACES  —  CUBA — THE  CREOLES  ...      69 
VIII.  THE    LIBERATING    ARMY    OF    THE     NORTH — 
THE  TRIUMPH  OF  BOLIVAR  —  THE  BATTLE  OF 
ARAURE — POTION  —  PIAR — BOLIVAR  ELECT- 
ED   PRESIDENT  —  THE     MARCH     OVER    THE 
CORDILLERAS  —  THE   BATTLE   OF  BOYACA — 
ANGOSTURA  —  COLOMBIA 93 


XV111  CONTENTS 

CHAPTER  PACK 

IX.  THE  BATTLE  OF  CARABOBO  —  PAEZ — THE  LIB- 
ERTY OF  THE  NORTH  —  THE  MAGNANIMITY 
OF  BOLIVAR 114 

^^    X.  ARGENTINA  —  THE  LIBERATING  ARMY  OF  THE 

SOUTH 119 

XI.  Cuzco  —  THE  BANNER  OF  THE  SUN 126 

/  XII.  THE  BATTLE  OF  MAYPO — CHILI  —  PERU — THE 
MEETING  OF  THE  Two  LIBERATORS  —  ABNE- 
GATION AND  MORAL  HEROISM  OF  SAN 
MARTIN 131 

XIII.  AYACUCHO,  THE   DECISIVE   BATTLE   OF  SOUTH 

AMERICA — ITS  DRAMATIC  AND  THRILLING 
EVENTS  —  BOLIVIA  —  THE  TRIUMPHAL  EN- 
TRANCE OF  BOLIVAR  INTO  POTOS! 139 

XIV.  THE  PANAMA  CONGRESS  OF  1826 — THE  UNION 

AND  PEACE  OF  THE  AMERICAN  REPUBLICS  — 
THE  LAST  DAYS  OF  SIMON  BOLIVAR    .    .    ,    149 
XV.  WILLIAM  WHEELWRIGHT  AND  THE  INDUSTRIAL 

HEROES 154 

XVI.  THE  MONROE   DOCTRINE — THE  VENEZUELAN 

BOUNDARY 160 

XVII.  BRAZIL 170 

XVIII.  THE  PROGRESS  OF  ARGENTINA  —  THE  TYRANTS 

QUIROGA  AND  ROSAS MlTRE THE  PERIOD 

OF  PROGRESS 174 

THE  TYRANTS  OF  PARAGUAY 184 

XX.  EDUCATION    IN   ARGENTINA   AND   THE    OTHER 

REPUBLICS — SARMIENTO 192 

XXI.  DOM  PEDRO  II.  AND  THE  PROGRESS  OF  BRAZIL 

— THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AMAZON 200 

XII.  THE  CONGRESS  OF  THE  REPUBLICS  AT  LIMA, 
1847 — THE  PROGRESS  OF  THE  WEST  COAST 
— BALMACEDA  —  GUIANA  —  THE  PAN-AMERI- 
CAN CONGRESS,  1889-90  .  % 210 

XXIII.  THE   CHILI-PERUVIAN  WAR — THE   AFFAIR  OF 

THE    "  ESMERALDA,"     AND    THE     HEROISM   OF 


CONTENTS  xix 


PAGE 


ARTURO    PRATT  —  THE   BATTLES   OF   TARA- 

PACA  AND  MlRAFLORES ,    .     224 

XXIV.  HISTORY  OF  LIBERTY  IN  CUBA  —  THE  CUBAN 
HEROES  —  THE      DESTRUCTION      OF      THE 

"  MAINE  " 230 

XXV.  PORTO  Rico 246 

XXVI.  THE  SOUTH  AMERICAN  ORATORS  —  THE  ORA- 
TIONS OF  BOLIVAR  —  THE  FAREWELL  OF  SAN 

MARTIN 248 

APPENDIX 259 


LIST   OF   ILLUSTRATIONS 


BOLIVAR'S  ENTRANCE  INTO  CARACAS Frontispiece 

Facingpage 

BOLIVAR  ON  MONTE  SACRO 36 

VIEW  OF  CARACAS,  VENEZUELA 40 

STREET  SCENE  IN  CARACAS,  VENEZUELA,  SHOWING  CAPI- 
TOL ON  THE  LEFT 46 

INNER  COURT  OF  THE  CAPITOL,  CARACAS,  VENEZUELA  .      50 

BOLIVAR  AT  THE  EARTHQUAKE  OF  CARACAS 56 

STREET  SCENE  IN  LA  GUAYRA,  VENEZUELA 60 

MAP  OF  SOUTH  AMERICA 80 

PlAR  BEFORE  HIS  EXECUTION 104 

WASHINGTON  PLAZA,  CARACAS,  VENEZUELA 118 

THE  BANNER  OF  THE  SUN 126 

MAUSOLEUM  OF  SAN  MARTIN,  IN  BUENOS  AYRES.  ...     138 
CHART  SHOWING  STEAMSHIP  ROUTES  TO  AND  FROM  AMER- 
ICAN AND  WEST  INDIAN  PORTS 158 

QUIROGA   AND   THE   TlGER 176 

A   SCENE    IN   THE    CATTLE-RAISING    DISTRICT    ON   THE 

PAMPAS  OF  THE  ARGENTINE  REPUBLIC 182 

SCENE  ON  THE  GREAT  GERMAN  RAILROAD  OF  VENEZUELA, 

CONNECTING  VALENCIA  AND  CARACAS 198 

CHILIAN  VOLCANO,  IN  THE  ANDES  IN  CHILI.  HEIGHT 

9446  FEET 214 

A  PARTY  OF  INDIANS  CONDUCTING  A  BAGGAGE-TRAIN  OF 

LLAMAS,  CHILI 224 

xxi 


CHAPTER  I 

TUPAC   AMARU,  THE   INCA    REVOLUTIONIST 

THE  first  struggle  for  liberty  against  the  Spanish 
dominion  in  Latin  America  was  made  by  a  de- 
scendant of  the  Incas — Tupac  Amaru.  The  effort  was 
a  spasm;  it  ended  in  one  of  the  most  cruel  and  pitiable 
scenes  of  history;  but  its  influence  lived.  The  sympa- 
thetic reader  may  well  inquire,  after  reviewing  the  trag- 
edy of  Amaru,  will  the  spirit  of  the  events  that  made 
Tupac  Amaru  the  first  apostle  of  liberty  in  the  Peruvian 
highlands  ever  return  again  to  the  Quichua  race  in  the 
ancient  Incarial  empire? 

Visions  become  history,  and  patriots  build,  like  the 
Hebrew  legislator,  after  the  pattern  shown  them  on  the 
mount.  Washington,  following  the  example  of  Cincinna- 
tus,  laid  down  the  sword  and  took  up  the  implements  of 
husbandry,  and  dreamed,  in  Mount  Vernon's  gardens,  of 
the  time  when  all  the  nations  of  the  world  should  make  a 
compact  of  peace.  This  larger  faith  in  humanity  found 
expression  in  the  International  Conference  of  1890,  called 
the  Pan- American  Congress,  whose  inspiring  spirit  was 
the  Hon.  James  G.  Elaine,  then  the  Secretary  of  State. 
Near  the  close  of  that  memorable  congress  of  the  repre- 
sentatives of  seventeen  American  republics,  Mr.  Elaine  said : 

"  If  in  this  closing  hour  the  conference  had  but  one 


2  SOUTH   AMERICA 

deed  to  celebrate,  we  should  dare  call  the  world's  atten- 
tion to  the  deliberate,  confident,  solemn  dedication  of  two 
great  continents  to  peace,  and  to  the  prosperity  which  has 
peace  for  its  foundation.  We  hold  up  this  new  Magna 
Charta,  which  abolishes  war  and  substitutes  arbitration 
between  the  American  republics,  as  the  first  great  fruit  of 
the  International  American  Conference.  The  noblest  of 
Americans,  the  aged  poet  and  philosopher  Whittier,  is  the 
first  to  send  his  salutation  and  benediction,  declaring : 

" '  If  in  the  spirit  of  peace  the  American  Conference 
agrees  upon  a  rule  of  arbitration  which  shall  make  war 
in  this  hemisphere  well-nigh  impossible,  its  sessions  will 
prove  one  of  the  most  important  events  in  the  history  of 
the  world.'  " 

Such  are  the  hopes  of  Latin  and  English  America,  for 
whose  liberties  from  foreign  dominion  Tupac  Amaru 
struck  the  first  blow,  and  made  himself  the  earliest  mar- 
tyr. The  memory  of  the  past  haunted  this  native  hero  of 
liberty.  In  his  veins  flowed  the  blood  of  benefactors  of 
his  race  who  had  reigned  a  thousand  years.  One  of  his 
ancestors,  bearing  his  name,  had  dared  to  lead  a  rebellion 
against  the  tyranny  of  Spain  in  the  dark  days  of  the  vice- 
royalty. 

Tupac  Amaru  I.  (too-pak  ah-mah-roo),  the  Inca  after 
whom  this  later  hero  was  called,  was  born  in  Cuzco  about 
1540,  and  died  there  in  1573.  He  was  the  grandson  of 
Atahualpa,  and  the  second  son  of  Manco  Inca  Yupanqui, 
who  succeeded  the  unfortunate  Atahualpa  on  the  throne. 
The  eldest  son  of  Yupanqui,  Sayri  Tupac,  submitted  to  the 
Spanish  crown,  and  was  baptized  and  given  a  place  as  sub- 
chief  under  the  rule  of  the  conquerors.  On  his  death  the 
Incarial  succession  fell  to  Tupac  Amaru.  This  Indian  had 
the  spirit  and  pride  of  his  ancestors.  He  refused  to  re- 
nounce his  family  claims  in  favor  of  the  Spaniards,  and 


TUPAC   AMARU,   THE   INCA   REVOLUTIONIST  3 

aspired  to  restore  his  race  to  their  pristine  glory.  He 
sought  refuge  in  the  mountains  of  Vilcabamba.  The 
Peruvian  Indians  recognized  him  as  the  true  Inca,  the 
royal  representative  of  the  children  of  the  Sun.  For  this 
reason  the  Spanish  viceroy,  Francisco  de  Toledo,  deter- 
mined to  bring  him  within  reach  of  his  power.  In  1572 
the  viceroy  pretended  to  be  sending  troops  to  Chili,  but 
he  ordered  two  hundred  and  fifty  of  these  auxiliaries  to 
explore  the  mountain  fortresses  of  Vilcabamba,  and  to 
capture  the  young  prince  and  bring  him  to  the  viceroyalty. 

Tupac  Amaru  met  the  invaders  like  a  hero,  but  was 
again  and  again  defeated  by  their  superior  arms  and  skill. 

He  then  fled,  with  his  family  and  followers,  to  the 
mountain  fortresses  of  his  principality,  which  he  deemed 
impregnable.  Before  the  rugged  mountain  walls  rolled  a 
stream  which  he  believed  no  foreigner  could  cross  without 
destruction. 

Captain  Martin  de  Loyola,  in  the  service  of  the  viceroy, 
resolved  to  cross  this  stream  with  twenty  intrepid  followers, 
under  the  cover  of  night.  He  suddenly  appeared  in  the 
camp  of  the  Inca,  captured  the  prince,  and  carried  him  to 
Cuzco.  He  was  there  accused  of  leading  a  revolt,  and 
was  beheaded. 

His  descendant,  Jose  Gabriel  Condorcanqui,  Amaru  II., 
seems  to  have  inherited  his  purpose  and  spirit.  He 
dreamed  of  the  independence  of  his  people,  and  of  the 
return  of  the  first  Inca  in  the  glory  of  the  rising  sun. 

Before  we  narrate  the  incidents  of  this  hero's  history, 
let  us  glance  at  the  race  from  which  he  sprang. 

There  are  great  legends,  worthy  of  noblest  representa- 
tion in  poetry  and  art,  that  belong  to  the  dusk  of  American 
tradition,  to  the  twilight  of  the  gods.  They  are  fanciful, 
but  they  are  parables,  and  are  full  of  the  noblest  suggestions. 
One  of  these  relates  to  Quetzalcohuatl,  the  mythic  apostle 


4  SOUTH   AMERICA 

from  the  eastern  world  to  Guatemala,  and  to  the  golden 
age  that  arose  under  his  preaching,  when  the  birds  sang 
never  so  sweetly,  when  the  flowers  bloomed  never  so 
brightly,  when  a  single  ear  of  corn  taxed  the  strength  of  a 
man,  and  no  violence  was  allowed  to  bird,  beast  or  man. 
Quetzalcohuatl,  of  whom  the  beautiful  bird  of  Guatemala, 
the  quetzal,  is  still  a  reminder, — a  bird  that,  according  to 
John  Lloyd  Stephens,  the  explorer,  is  "  the  most  beautiful 
thing  that  flies," — is  associated  in  an  agreeable  fable  with 
the  person  of  St.  Thomas,  the  doubter,  the  apostle  who  said 
to  the  disciples,  when  Christ  was  about  to  take  the  ways 
of  peril,  "Let  us  go,  that  we  may  die  with  him."  Ac- 
cording to  the  old  legends,  which  have  received  color 
from  the  beautiful  sculptured  cross  found  at  Palenque,  St. 
Thomas  went  to  the  Indian  peninsula  of  Malabar,  founded 
there  the  church  that  has  lived  in  the  Nestorians  of  Persia, 
and,  according  to  an  extension  of  the  same  fable,  came  to 
Mexico  by  the  supposed  way  of  Chinese  Tartary,  Bering 
Strait,  and  the  West  Pacific  coast,  and  there  appeared  as 
Quetzalcohuatl.  The  legend,  which  has  many  forms,  has, 
notwithstanding  its  absurdities,  left  us  a  picture  of  the 
golden  age  in  America  as  poetic  as  Vergil's  "  Pollio,"  and 
as  interesting  as  the  prophecy  of  the  Cumaean  sibyl. 

The  second  great  legend  that  awaits  poetry  and  art  is 
that  which  attributes  the  origin  of  the  Peruvians  to  Jew- 
ish wanderers  from  Armenia,  or  from  other  parts  of  the 
Orient.  This  legend  also  has  many  forms. 

A  most  interesting  work  published  in  1854,  entitled 
"  Peruvian  Antiquities,"  by  Mariano  Eduardo  de  Rivero 
and  Johann  Jakob  von  Tschudi,  translated  by  Francis  L. 
Hawks,  D.D.,  thus  pictures  some  of  the  incidents  of  this 
great  but  improvable  tradition : 

"  Passing  by  the  proofs,  more  or  less  ingenious,  advanced 
by  Heckewelder,  Beltrame,  De  Laet,  Emanuel  de  Moraes, 


TUPAC   AMARU,  THE    INCA    REVOLUTIONIST  5 

Beatty,  Samuel  Stanhope  Smith,  William  Penn,  Count 
Crawford,  and  many  others,  we  will  make  particular  men- 
tion of  Adair,  who  lived  forty  years  among  the  Indians, 
and  who,  after  the  most  thorough  examination  and  minute 
comparison,  assures  us  that  the  origin  of  the  Indians  is 
Israelitish,  founding  his  assertion  principally  on  the  reli- 
gious rites,  which  plainly  present  many  points  of  agree- 
ment with  those  of  the  Hebrew  people. 

"  Like  the  Jews,  the  Indians  offer  their  first-fruits;  they 
keep  their  new  moons,  and  the  feast  of  expiation  at  the 
end  of  September  or  in  the  beginning  of  October;  they 
divide  the  year  into  four  seasons,  corresponding  with  the 
Jewish  festivals.  According  to  Charlevoix  and  Long,  the 
brother  of  a  deceased  husband  receives  his  widow  into  his 
house  as  a  guest,  and  after  a  suitable  time  considers  her  as 
a  legitimate  consort.  There  is  also  much  analogy  be- 
tween the  Hebrews  and  Indians  in  that  which  concerns 
various  rites  and  customs,  such  as  the  ceremonies  of  purifi- 
cation, the  use  of  the  bath,  the  ointment  of  bear's  grease, 
fasting,  and  the  manner  of  prayer.  The  Indians  likewise 
abstain  from  the  blood  of  animals,  as  also  from  fish  with- 
out scales;  they  consider  divers  quadrupeds  unclean,  as 
also  certain  birds  and  reptiles ;  and  they  are  accustomed  to 
offer  as  a  holocaust  the  firstlings  of  the  flock.  Acosta 
and  Emanuel  de  Moraes  relate  that  various  nations  allow 
matrimony  with  those  only  of  their  own  tribe  or  lineage, 
this  being,  in  their  view,  a  striking  characteristic,  very 
remarkable  and  of  much  weight.  But  that  which  most 
tends  to  fortify  the  opinion  as  to  the  Hebrew  origin  of  the 
American  tribes  is  a  species  of  ark,  seemingly  like  that  of 
the  Old  Testament.  This  the  Indians  take  with  them  to 
war.  It  is  never  permitted  to  touch  the  ground,  but  rests 
upon  stones  or  pieces  of  wood,  it  being  deemed  sacrile- 
gious and  unlawful  to  open  it  or  look  into  it.  The  priests 


6  SOUTH   AMERICA 

scrupulously  guard  their  sanctuary,  and  the  high  priest 
carries  on  his  breast  a  white  shell  adorned  with  precious 
stones,  which  recalls  the  urim  of  the  Jewish  high  priest, 
of  whom  we  are  also  reminded  by  a  band  of  white  plumes 
on  his  forehead. 

"  According  to  the  credible  testimony  of  Adair,  the 
Indians  of  North  America  celebrate  the  feast  of  first-fruits 
with  religious  dances,  singing  in  chorus  these  mystic 
words :  '  Yo  Meschica,  He  Meschica,  Va  Meschica,'  form- 
ing thus,  with  the  three  first  syllables,  the  name  of  Je-ho- 
vah,  and  the  name  of  Messiah,  thrice  pronounced,  follow- 
ing each  initial.  On  other  occasions  may  be  heard  in  their 
hymns  the  words  Aylo,  Aylo,  which  correspond  with  the 
Hebrew  word  El,  '  God.'  In  other  hymns  occur  the 
words  hiwah,  hiwak,  hydchyra,  '  the  immortal  soul,1  and 
Schiluhyoy  Schiluhe,  Schiluhva,  of  which  Adair  thinks 
that  Schiluh  is  the  same  with  the  Hebrew  word  Schaleach, 
or  Schiloth,  which  signifies  'messenger'  or  'pacificator.' 
The  use  of  Hebrew  words  was  not  uncommon  in  the  re- 
ligious performances  of  the  North  American  Indians,  and 
Adair  assures  us  that  they  called  an  accused  or  guilty 
person  haksit  canaha,  '  a  sinner  of  Canaan ' ;  and  to  him 
who  was  inattentive  to  religious  worship  they  said: 
'  Tschi  haksit  canaha '  ('  You  resemble  a  sinner  of 
Canaan ').  Lescarbot  also  tells  us  that  he  had  heard  the 
Indians  of  South  America  sing  'Alleluia/ 

"Those  authors  who  attribute  a  Hebrew  origin  to  the 
American  tribes  do  not  agree  among  themselves  touching 
the  coming  of  the  Israelites  into  the  New  World :  some 
think  that  they  came  directly  from  the  eastern  hemisphere 
to  the  West,  and  established  themselves  in  the  central  and 
southern  parts  of  this  hemisphere ;  but  the  majority  are  of 
the  opinion  that  they  crossed  Persia  and  the  frontiers  of 
China,  and  came  by  the  way  of  Bering  Strait." 


TUPAC    AMARU,  THE    INCA    REVOLUTIONIST  7 

A  writer  named  Montesinos  would  have  us  believe  that 
the  Peruvians  came  from  Armenia,  that  here  were  King 
Solomon's  mines ;  and  he  dates  the  events  of  poetic  history 
from  the  deluge,  of  which  the  Peruvians  seem  to  have 
traditions. 

Several  curious  writers  have  attempted  to  prove  that  the 
first  Inca,  Manco  Capac,  and  the  poetic  divinity  of  Mexico, 
Quetzalcohuatl,  were  Buddhist  missionary  priests. 

In  a  work  like  ours,  which  seeks  to  tell  the  story  of  lib- 
erty and  progress  in  Latin  America,  to  picture  an  ad- 
vance in  civilization  by  incidents,  a  study  of  the  Incarial 
period  would  not  be  expected ;  but  a  glance  at  that  won- 
der of  romance  is  permissible,  as  it  associates  itself  with 
an  heroic  revolution  in  which  one  of  Inca  blood  was  a 
leader. 

Gonzalo  Pizarro  and  Prescott  have  pictured  the  Incas 
in  their  glory.  The  authority  of  the  Peruvian  monarchs 
exceeded  that  of  the  most  powerful  kings  of  the  eastern 
world.  Under  the  dominion  of  Huaina  Capac  the  Inca 
empire  extended  from  the  regions  north  of  Quito  to  the 
river  Maule  in  Chili,  or  eight  hundred  leagues,  thus  ex- 
ceeding the  greatest  empire  in  Europe,  and  was  bounded 
on  the  west  by  the  Pacific,  and  on  the  east  by  the  pampas. 
It  contained  some  ten  millions  of  inhabitants,*  a  number 
that  greatly  diminished  after  the  conquest. 

Over  this  glittering  empire  the  Inca  was  the  absolute 
lord.  "  The  very  birds  will  suspend  their  flight  if  I  com- 
mand it,"  said  Atahualpa  to  the  Spanish  invaders,  in  the 
fabulous  language  of  the  Peruvian  kings. 

According  to  Garcilasso  de  la  Vega,  himself  of  Inca 
blood,  the  government  of  the  Incas  was  paternal.  One 
only  needs  to  read  Garcilasso's  wonderful  book  to  be  con- 
vinced that  Mr.  Bellamy's  prophetic  retrospect  entitled 

*  According  to  some  authorities,  thirty  millions. 


8  SOUTH    AMERICA 

"  Looking  Backward  "  has  already  largely  been  enacted  in 
the  theater  of  the  Andean  world.  Some  of  the  accounts 
of  the  glory  of  the  Incas  seem  to  belong,  indeed,  to  the 
dazzling  epoch  of  fables.  Plutarch  tells  us  that  the  birds 
in  the  air  were  affected  when  the  Roman  herald  proclaimed 
the  liberty  of  the  Greeks ;  and  Sarmiento,  in  his  "  Revo- 
lution," says  the  shouts  that  hailed  the  Inca  on  his  pil- 
grimages among  his  people  caused  "  the  birds  to  fall  to 
the  ground." 

The  ancient  Peruvian  realm  was  one  of  equality  and 
fraternity.  The  people  were  like  one  family,  of  which  the 
Inca  was  the  father.  None  were  rich,  none  poor.  All 
labored  for  the  good  of  the  whole,  and  the  labor  was  not 
exacting.  Age  and  infancy  were  alike  protected.  The 
temples  were  opened  to  all;  the  delights  of  the  festivals 
were  shared  by  all ;  the  bards  sang  for  all ;  and  the  people 
rejoiced  together  in  the  golden  gardens  of  Yucay. 

The  memory  of  the  Incarial  festivals  was  the  light  of 
the  past.  In  those  days  the  highways  were  strewn  with 
flowers.  The  worshipers  on  the  hills  acclaimed  with  de- 
light the  rising  of  the  sun,  wondering  if  that  would  be  the 
day  when  the  first  Inca  would  return  to  the  world  again. 
The  sun's  rays  filled  with  a  golden  light  the  crystal  crowns 
of  the  Andes ;  hymns  were  sung  in  the  white  processions 
bearing  the  Inca  lilies ;  drums  were  beaten,  trumpets  were 
blown,  and  bells,  silver  and  golden,  added  their  music  to  the 
choruses  of  joy.  The  sun's  rays  met  the  rays  reflected  by 
the  gold  in  the  great  temple,  from  the  golden  roof  of  which 
were  taken  seven  hundred  plates,  each  as  heavy  as  four  men 
could  bear,  for  the  redemption  of  Atahualpa.  The  priests 
bowed  down  to  the  reflected  splendor. 

The  scene  is  Cuzco.  A  mighty  and  shadowy  fortress 
lifts  itself  over  the  city.  The  wall  facing  the  city  is  pre- 


TUPAC    AMARU,  THE    INCA    REVOLUTIONIST  9 

cipitous,  is  twelve  hundred  feet  long,  and  sustains  three 
colossal  towers.  This  Cyclopean  wall  has  been  so  built 
that  it  seems  to  be  but  a  single  stone;  the  blade  of  a 
knife  could  not  be  inserted  into  its  seams.  The  sun  ap- 
pears above  the  mountains.  The  city  bursts  into  song. 
A  long  procession,  led  by  the  royal  family  and  priests, 
takes  up  its  march  for  the  golden  gardens  of  Yucay, 
which  surpassed  those  of  Cashmere.  The  young  Inca, 
just  proclaimed,  walks  beside  his  father.  He  wears  on  his 
head  the  insignia  of  the  llanta,  with  two  feathers  from  the 
sacred  bird  of  the  kingdom,  the  coraquenque.  In  his  ears 
are  hung  golden  orejones,  or  heavy  pendants.  He  sup- 
ports a  girdle  of  jewels,  the  colors  of  which  typify  the 
virtues.  The  sun  in  the  sky  becomes  a  fiery  splendor  as 
the  procession  approaches  Yucay,  the  gardens  of  delight, 
some  twelve  miles  from  the  Temple  of  the  Sun.  The 
maize  that  adorned  the  temple  was  made  of  gold,  with 
husks  of  silver  and  tassels  of  silk.  The  flowers  were  of 
gold,  emeralds  and  precious  stones.  In  front  of  the  pro- 
cession is  borne  the  jeweled  banner  of  the  iris.  The  pro- 
cession enters  the  gardens  amid  the  songs  of  bards,  the 
music  of  viols,  and  banks  of  flowers.  Dances  follow.  At 
a  festival  given  in  the  gardens  of  Yucay  in  honor  of  the 
birth  of  Huascar,  son  of  Huaina  Capac,  the  nobles  danced 
to  a  chain  of  gold  seven  hundred  feet  long,  with  links 
nearly  as  large  as  a  man's  wrist.  A  festival  was  held  at 
Quito  during  which  the  rising  moon  shone  upon  a  tem- 
ple of  silver  situated  on  a  high  hill.  It  filled  the  temple 
with  living  splendor. 

The  people  were  happy.  They  believed  in  an  ineffable 
God  that  ruled  all  the  world.  The  sun  was  his  message  to 
them,  and  the  Incas  were  the  human  interpreters  of  his  will. 

The  meridional  world,  or  what  is  now  Alta  Peru,  or 


IO  SOUTH    AMERICA 

Ecuador  and  Bolivia,  may  not,  indeed,  have  been  the 
Ophir  of  old,  but  it  was  a  golden  empire.  Francisco 
Lopez  de  Gomara  thus  describes  the  house  of  the  Inca: 
"  All  the  service  was  of  gold  and  silver,  except  copper, 
which  was  used  for  strength.  They  say  that  the  Incas  had 
a  flower-garden  by  the  sea,  where  the  trees  and  flowers 
were  of  gold  and  silver."  *  To  this  the  opulent  Garcilasso 
de  la  Vega,  of  Inca  blood,  adds :  "  In  all  of  them  were 
gardens  and  orchards,  where  the  Inca  refreshed  himself. 
In  them  were  planted  all  the  fine  and  beautiful  trees  and 
odoriferous  plants  which  abounded  in  the  kingdom,  after 
which  models  they  imitated  in  gold  and  silver  many  trees 
and  other  smaller  bushes  most  perfectly,  with  their  leaves, 
flowers  and  fruits ;  some  seemed  about  to  bud,  others  were 
half  ripened  or  matured,  and  others  entire  and  perfect  in 
their  size.  Besides  these  and  others,  they  made  counter- 
feit resemblances  of  various  species  of  corn,  with  their 
leaves,  ear  and  stem,  with  their  roots  and  flowers;  the 
fibers  which  are  found  in  the  ear  and  stem  were  of  gold, 
and  all  the  rest  of  silver,  soldered  together.  The  same 
difference  was  made  in  the  other  plants,  so  that  the  flower, 
or  whatever  other  part  inclined  to  yellow,  was  imitated  in 
gold,  and  the  rest  in  silver.  There  were  also  to  be  seen 
animals,  large  and  small,  cast  in  gold  and  silver,  such  as 
rabbits,  lizards,  snakes,  butterflies,  foxes  and  mountain- 
cats;  also  birds  of  all  descriptions,  some  placed  in  the 
trees  as  if  singing,  others  flying  about  and  sucking  the 
honey  from  the  flowers.  There  were  also  deer  and  fawns, 
lions  and  tigers,  and  all  the  other  animals  and  birds  which 
the  country  produced,  each  in  its  place,  as  true  to  nature 
as  the  reality.  In  many  houses  there  were  baths  with  large 
jars  of  silver  and  gold,  from  which  water  was  poured  into 
the  baths.  Where  there  were  natural  fountains  of  warm 
*  "  Peruvian  Antiquities." 


TUPAC   AMARU,  THE   INCA    REVOLUTIONIST          II 

water  there  were  also  baths  of  great  splendor  and  rich- 
ness. Among  other  displays  of  wealth,  there  were  col- 
lections of  billets  of  wood,  imitated  in  gold  and  silver, 
as  though  they  were  deposited  to  be  expended  in  the 
service  of  the  houses." 

The  Inca  roads,  a  part  of  which  were  constructed  in  the 
period  of  Yupanqui,  were  as  marvelous  as  the  temples 
and  golden  gardens.  Humboldt  describes  these  roads, 
which  filled  him  with  wonder.  Lopez  de  Gomara  says:f 
"  There  were  two  royal  roads  from  the  city  of  Quito  to 
that  of  Cuzco, — very  costly  and  noble  works, — the  one 
over  the  mountains,  the  other  across  the  plains,  each 
extending  more  than  a  thousand  miles.  The  one  which 
crossed  the  plains  was  walled  on  both  sides,  was  twenty- 
five  feet  broad,  with  ditches  of  water  outside,  and  was 
planted  with  trees  called  molle.  The  other,  which  was  on 
the  mountain,  was  also  twenty-five  feet  wide,  cut  in  some 
places  from  the  solid  rock,  and  in  others  made  of  stone 
and  lime ;  for,  indeed,  it  was  necessary  to  cut  away  the 
rocks  or  fill  up  the  valleys  to  bring  the  road  to  a  level. 
It  was  a  work  which,  as  all  agree,  exceeded  the  pyramids 
of  Egypt,  the  paved  ways  of  the  Romans,  and,  indeed, 
all  other  ancient  works.  Huayna  Capac  restored,  en- 
larged, and  completed  these  roads ;  but  he  did  not  build 
them  entirely,  as  some  assert,  nor  could  they  have  been 
wholly  constructed  in  his  lifetime.  These  roads  went  in 
a  direct  line,  without  turning  aside  for  hills,  mountains,  or 
even  lakes.  For  resting-places  they  had  certain  grand 
palaces,  which  were  called  tambos,  where  the  court  and 
royal  army  lodged.  These  tambos  were  provided  with 
arms,  food,  shoes  and  clothing  for  the  troops.  In  their 
civil  wars  the  Spaniards  destroyed  these  roads  to  impede 
the  march  of  their  enemies.  The  Indians  themselves  de- 

*  "  Peruvian  Antiquities."  t  Ibid. 


12  SOUTH    AMERICA 

molished  a  part  of  them  when  they  waged  war  and  laid 
siege  to  the  cities  of  Cuzco  and  Lima,  where  the  Spaniards 
were." 

The  betrayal  of  Atahualpa,  the  last  Inca  before  the 
conquest,  and  his  tragic  death,  have  often  been  pic- 
tured. 

There  was  one  Spaniard,  by  name  Lejesema,  or  Lequi- 
zano,  a  conquistador  of  quick  conscience,  who,  although 
a  soldier,  came  eventually  to  see  the  robbery  of  the 
Inca  empire  in  its  true  light.  He  was  the  last  of  the  con- 
querors. In  his  old  age  he  was  truly  penitent  for  the  part 
he  had  taken  in  the  great  crime  against  humanity,  and  he 
trembled  before  God.  He  had  received  as  his  share  of  the 
robbery  of  the  Incas  the  golden  image  in  the  Temple  of  the 
Sun — the  golden  sun  of  the  empire.  The  latter  was  a  huge 
plate  of  burnished  gold,  round  like  a  shield,  with  rays  that 
spread  over  the  sacred  face  of  the  temple,  that  reflected 
the  sun  at  its  rising. 

In  his  early  life  Lejesema  was  a  noted  gambler.  Gam- 
bling seems  to  have  been  a  passion  with  him.  After 
receiving  the  golden  sun  of  the  gods  as  his  share  of  the 
robbery,  which  would  have  brought  him  wealth  and  fame, 
it  would  seem  that  he  could  desire  nothing  more.  But 
the  passion  for  gambling  haunted  his  soul.  He  staked  the 
golden  sun  of  Peru  one  night,  and  lost.  Hence  arose 
the  proverb  in  Spain  in  regard  to  an  all-controlling  pas- 
sion: "Jtiega  el  sol  antes  que  amanezca"  ("He  gambles 
away  the  sun  before  sunrise  "). 

When  this  man  had  repented  he  desired  that  Spain 
should  know  the  truth  in  regard  to  the  nobility  of  the 
Peruvians,  and  the  wrong  that  had  been  done  them  in  the 
name  of  religion.  So  out  of  his  tortured  soul  was  wrung 
a  remarkable  confession,  for  which  we  are  indebted  to 
Prescott. 


TUPAC   AMARU,  THE   INCA    REVOLUTIONIST          13 

The  line  of  the  Incas  was  as  follows :  * 

"  i.  Manco  Capac  began  to  reign  in  the  year  1021,  and 
died  in  1062,  after  reigning  forty  years. 

"  2.  Sinchi  Rocca  reigned  thirty  years,  from  1062  to  1091. 

"  3.  Lloqque  Yupanqui  reigned  thirty-five  years,  from 
1091  to  1126. 

"  4.  Mayta  Capac  began  to  reign  in  1 126,  reigned  thirty 
years,  and  died  in  1156. 

"5.  Capac  Yupanqui  inherited  the  power  in  the  year 
1156,  reigned  forty-one  years,  and  died  in  1197. 

"6.  Inca  Rocca  began  to  reign  in  1197,  and  died  in 
1249,  after  having  reigned  fifty-one  years. 

"  7.  Yahuar  Huaccac  had  a  reign  of  forty  years,  from 
1249  to  1296  ;  seven  of  these  he  passed  in  private  life,  after 
having  renounced  in  1289,  in  favor  of  his  son  Viracocha. 

"8.  Viracocha  occupied  the  throne  from  the  year  1289, 
and  died  in  1340.  This  Inca  predicted  the  ruin  of  the 
empire,  and  the  arrival  of  white  and  bearded  men.  His 
son,  Inca  Urco,  reigned  only  eleven  days,  being  deposed 
by  the  nobles  of  the  empire  as  a  fool  and  incapable  of 
governing. 

"  9.  Titu  Manco  Capac  Pachacutec  came  to  the  crown  in 
the  year  1340,  reigned  sixty  years,  and  died  in  1400,  after 
having  lived,  according  to  tradition,  a  hundred  and  three 
years. 

"  10.  Yupanqui  inherited  the  regal  power  in  the  year 
1400,  reigned  thirty- nine  years,  and  died  in  1439. 

"11.  Tupac  Yupanqui  reigned  from  the  year  1439,  and 
died  in  1475,  after  thirty-six  years'  reign. 

"  12.  Huayna  Capac  succeeded  Tupac  Yupanqui  in  the 
year  1475,  reigned  fifty  years,  and  died  in  1525.  This 
chief  was  considered  the  most  glorious  of  all  the  Peruvian 
monarchs.  ^^|pnjB/5j*w 

*  "  Peruvian  Antiquities. '[UNIVERSITY  ) 


14  SOUTH    AMERICA 

t(  13.  Huascar  received  the  crown  in  1526,  reigned  seven 
years,  and  died  in  1532. 

"14.  Atahuallpa,  or  Atahualpa,  began  to  reign  in  the  year 
1532,  governed  the  whole  empire  for  one  year  and  four 
months,  after  having  reigned  six  years  in  Quito  only, 
and  died  on  the  scaffold,  by  order  of  Pizarro,  in  the  public 
square  of  Cajamarca,  the  29th  of  August,  1533. 

"After  the  conquest  of  the  Spaniards,  the  brother  of  both 
the  preceding  monarchs  was  crowned  as  Manco  Capac  II. 
He  reigned  with  a  light  shadow  of  royal  dignity  until  the 
year  1553.  He  was  succeeded  by  his  three  sons,  Sayri 
Tupac,  Cusititu  Yupanqui,  and  Tupac  Amaru.  This  last 
was  beheaded  in  Cuzco,  in  the  year  1571,  by  order  of  Don 
Francisco  de  Toledo,  fifth  viceroy  of  Peru." 

Tupac  Amaru  the  younger  was  the  fifth  in  descent  from 
Inca  Tupac  Amaru,  who  had  been  put  to  death  in  1571. 
His  name  as  a  subject  of  the  viceroy  was  Jose  Gabriel 
Condorcanqui.  He  was  educated  at  the  college  at  Cuzco, 
amid  scenes  that  daily  recalled  the  glory  of  his  ancestors* 
and  the  injustice  that  had  been  done  to  his  race.  The 
college  had  been  founded  for  the  education  of  Indian 
chiefs.  The  youth  learned  the  Spanish  language.  He 
seems  to  have  been  an  apt  scholar.  To  a  high  spirit  and 
natural  gifts  he  added  many  polite  accomplishments.  But 
his  heart  throbbed  for  his  people.  The  Spanish  rule  over 
them  had  reduced  them  to  slavery.  The  mita,  or  forced 
labor,  not  only  made  them  slaves,  but  victims  of  merciless 
cruelty.  They  toiled  without  recompense,  and  suffered 
without  justice.  They  were  helpless. 

Tupac  Amaru  began  his  career  as  a  petitioner  for  justice 
to  his  race.  He  was  brought  into  association  with  Spanish 
priests  and  officers,  and  to  them  he  presented  the  misery 
of  the  Indians,  and  begged  them  to  reform  the  laws  in 
regard  to  servitude.  His  appeals  met  with  no  response. 


TUPAC    AMARU,  THE   INCA    REVOLUTIONIST  15 

Labor  under  the  lash  went  on,  and  the  young  Inca's  heart 
could  do  little  but  bleed.  He  had  an  income  from  an 
estate.  Out  of  this  he  assisted  those  in  need,  paid  the 
taxes  of  the  poor,  and  sheltered  those  who  in  their  poverty 
and  despair  turned  to  him  for  assistance.  He  seems  to 
have  been  a  man  of  great  dignity  of  deportment,  and  of  a 
philosophic  temperament.  He  was  one  who  loved  others 
better  than  himself,  and  whose  deeds  were  an  honor  to 
humanity. 

His  father  was  a  cacique,  or  tributary  chief.  Tupac 
Amaru  succeeded  him  at  the  age  of  twenty.  His  province 
was  Tungasuca,  a  high  plateau  of  the  Andes,  one  of  the 
winter  lands  of  the  sea.  The  cry  of  the  wrongs  of  his  race 
found  him  there,  and  gave  him  no  peace.  He  sought  in 
every  way  to  obtain  redress  for  the  slaves  of  the  hateful 
mita.  His  mission  was  met  only  by  excuses  or  scorn. 
The  thought  of  the  liberation  of  the  Indians  became 
sweet  to  him  in  his  Andean  fortress.  The  Spaniards  were 
merely  robbers  of  the  country,  who  put  might  for  right. 
The  whole  land  groaned  under  their  tyranny.  Why  could 
not  their  power  be  overthrown  by  the  union  of  all  the 
people  whom  they  oppressed,  and  why  might  not  the  lands 
of  the  Sun  be  made  independent  and  free?  His  dream 
of  liberty  grew,  and  was  stimulated  by  new  cases  of  cruelty 
and  injustice.  It  was  but  the  dream  of  an  Adams,  a  La- 
fayette, a  Miranda,  a  Bolivar. 

The  governor  of  Tinta,  near  Lima,  was  one  of  the  most 
merciless  of  the  oppressors  of  the  Indians.  Tupac  Amaru 
formed  a  plan  for  rescuing  his  people  from  the  power  of 
this  tyrant.  He  led  a  force  against  him,  arrested  him, 
brought  him  to  Tungasuca,  and  put  him  to  death.  The 
Indians  now  flocked  around  Tupac  Amaru.  An  army 
was  formed.  The  oppressed  people  were  eager  to  be  led 
against  their  taskmasters.  Tupac  Amaru  descended  from 


16  SOUTH    AMERICA 

the  hills  with  an  army  that  constantly  grew  stronger.  He 
faced  Cuzco,  and  found  the  city  of  his  ancestors  in  his 
power.  He  liberated  the  workmen  in  the  Spanish  fac- 
tories, and  set  at  naught  the  mita.  He  was  advancing  like 
a  conqueror  when  the  Spanish  officials  met  and  asked  for 
negotiations.  With  a  sense  of  his  own  honor,  and  trusting 
to  the  justice  of  his  cause,  he  consented  to  open  negotia- 
tions with  his  crafty  enemies.  He  formed  a  protected 
camp,  and  issued  a  proclamation  setting  forth  the  griev- 
ances of  his  race,  and  calling  upon  all  the  people  to  rise 
and  make  a  common  cause  for  liberty.  The  proclamation 
was  circulated  throughout  the  country.  The  people 
flocked  to  Tinta,  and  hailed  the  Inca  as  their  deliverer. 
The  Peruvians,  with  arms  in  their  hands,  for  a  brief  time 
breathed  the  air  of  liberty. 

Tupac  Amaru  now  addressed  letters  to  the  bishop  and 
to  the  officers  of  the  municipality,  asking  for  those  meas- 
ures of  justice  which  are  the  birthright  of  all  men.  The 
whole  population  of  Peru  was  now  rising.  The  viceroy  was 
alarmed.  In  February,  1 781,  a  Spanish  force  was  gathered 
to  march  against  the  Inca,  who  was  still  proposing  a  nego- 
tiation by  which  reforms  might  be  secured  peaceably.  It 
was  justice  that  the  Inca  desired,  not  blood.  The  answer 
came,  as  brutal  as  if  from  the  regions  beyond  mercy: 
"  We  refuse  all  negotiation.  If  you  will  surrender  now, 
the  torture  of  your  execution  may  be  lessened."  Tupac 
Amaru  could  do  but  one  of  two  things :  conquer  a  peace 
for  the  liberty  of  the  people,  or  surrender  and  die.  He 
was  at  the  head  of  two  hundred  thousand  men  who  were 
looking  to  him  for  salvation  from  a  living  death.  The 
people  thought  that  they  saw  in  him  the  return  of  the 
Incas  and  of  the  golden  age.  He  must  strike  for  the  in- 
dependence of  the  slaves  of  the  mita.  A  battle  was  fought. 
The  rude  army  of  patriots  under  the  Inca  was  defeated,  and 


TUPAC   AMARU,  THE    INCA    REVOLUTIONIST          1 7 

driven  back  in  disorder  at  the  point  of  the  Spanish  bayonet. 
Tupac  Amaru  and  his  family  were  made  captives. 

On  May  18,  1781,  the  conqueror  issued  a  proclamation 
which  caused  humanity  to  shudder.  The  Inca  with  his 
family  was  to  be  publicly  executed.  His  tongue  was  to 
be  cut  out ;  he  was  to  be  tied  to  four  horses  by  his  arms 
and  legs,  and  to  be  drawn  asunder  as  the  horses  should 
be  led  four  different  ways.  It  was  a  refinement  of  old 
Spanish  cruelty.  The  infernal  imaginations  of  the  tyrants 
of  those  dark  days  have  found  but  few  equals  in  the  records 
of  mankind.  The  Inca  was  first  made  to  suffer  mentally 
and  emotionally  by  witnessing  the  torture  of  his  family. 
His  uncle,  an  old  man,  had  his  tongue  cut  out,  and  was 
then  strangled  by  an  iron  screw.  His  son,  a  youth  of 
twenty,  was  then  subjected  to  the  same  horrible  tortures, 
in  sight  of  the  Inca.  Then  his  wife  was  led  into  view,  and 
her  tongue  torn  out,  and  the  screw  applied  to  her  neck. 
His  youngest  boy  of  ten  years  was  compelled  to  witness 
these  scenes.  The  Inca  was  then  tortured  by  the  knife, 
and  lassos  tied  to  the  girths  of  four  horses  were  fastened 
to  his  arms  and  ankles.  The  horses  were  headed  in  four 
different  ways.  They  moved,  and  the  bleeding  form  of  the 
Inca  rose  in  air.  As  the  young  son  of  the  Inca  saw  the 
spectacle,  he  uttered  a  piercing  shriek.  The  hearts  of 
the  Spaniards  who  heard  that  cry  shrank  with  horror.  It 
is  said  that  the  boy's  voice  haunted  for  a  lifetime  the 
people  who  heard  it.  Says  a  writer:  "  It  was  the  death - 
knell  of  the  Spanish  colonial  dominion."  For  there  were 
Spanish  hearts  that  could  feel,  even  in  the  days  of  the 
viceroys.  An  evil  priest  had  said  to  Pizarro,  "  I  absolve 
thee,"  as  he  urged  Pizarro  to  seize  Atahualpa.  But  there 
were  good  priests  as  well  as  the  agents  of  cruelty. 
There  were  patriot  priests  whose  country  was  the  world, 
and  whose  countrymen  were  all  who  live. 


1 8  SOUTH    AMERICA 

Liberty  in  South  America  began  in  the  patriot  clubs  of 
London  and  Caracas.  There  was  formed  a  club  in  Lima 
in  silent  memory  of  this  and  similar  events.  It  was  a 
club  of  silence,  but  it  had  a  powerful  purpose.  Sympa- 
thetic priests,  literary  men,  and  Spanish  women  with  the 
hearts  of  mothers  joined  that  club.  It  grew.  Its  purpose 
was  to  secure  justice  to  all,  and  the  protection  of  the 
rights  of  all  men.  The  club  prepared  the  way  for  liberty. 
Tupac  Amaru's  death  was  to  abolish  the  mita  and  to 
liberate  his  people.  Of  all  martyrs  of  liberty,  none  ever 
died  under  more  heartrending  circumstances  than  he  who 
was  torn  asunder  in  the  great  square  of  Cuzco,  amid  the 
fallen  temples  of  his  despoiled  people. 

So  sadly  but  nobly  perished  the  last  son  of  the  Incas, 
the  first  apostle  of  liberty  in  Latin  America. 


CHAPTER   II 

THE    KNIGHT    ERRANT    OF    LIBERTY— THE  DREAM 
OF   MIRANDA 

HUMAN  events  are  often  preceded  by  visions.  It  is 
possible  that  Columbus,  as  he  watched  the  stars 
on  the  quays  of  Genoa,  saw  America  in  a  vision.  Certain 
it  is  that  he  had  more  faith  in  his  intuitions  than  in  his 
scientific  studies.  "  God,"  he  said,  "  made  me  the  mes- 
senger of  the  new  heavens  and  the  new  earth,  and  told  me 
where  to  find  them.  Maps,  charts,  and  mathematical 
knowledge  had  nothing  to  do  with  the  case." 

The  emancipation  of  South  America  began  in  the  youth- 
ful visions  of  Francisco  Miranda  (1756-1816),  a  young 
cadet  of  noble  family,  born  at  Caracas,*  in  the  Maritime 
Andes.  He  was  a  splendid  dreamer,  but  he  had  not  the 
sublime  creative  faith  of  a  Columbus.  He  could  see  in  his 
mind  what  he  was  incapable  of  carrying  into  execution; 
he  had  the  prevision  of  liberty  in  South  America,  but  was 
able  only  to  show  by  failure  what  might  be  wrought  by  a 
mind  that  was  practical.  The  patriot's  character  has  been 
severely  handled  by  the  soldier  and  the  critic;  but  the 
victories  of  the  vanquished  count  for  much  in  the  ultimate 
values  of  human  history.  Miranda  failed,  and  seldom  has 
a  high  heart  had  a  disappointment  more  pathetic.  Mi- 

*  Some  authorities  state  Santa  Fe",  in  New  Granada,  in  1754' 
19 


20  SOUTH    AMERICA 

randa,  however,  did  not  dream  his  young  dream  of  the 
liberty  of  the  South  in  vain.  Though  a  visionary,  he  led 
the  way  to  the  independence  of  his  country. 

He  rose  to  the  rank  of  captain  in  the  army,  when  his 
mind  became  thrilled  with  the  cause  of  the  patriots  in 
North  America  struggling  for  independence.  He  was 
also  inspired  by  the  conduct  of  the  French  republicans.  He 
came  to  North  America,  and  served  in  the  French  con- 
tingent of  the  Continental  Army  from  1779  to  1781.  At 
this  time  he  was  twenty-three  years  of  age.  As  he  wit- 
nessed the  splendid  achievements  of  Lafayette,  and  as  the 
English  power  in  America  went  down  at  Yorktown,  he 
thought  of  his  native  land.  He  aspired  to  be  the  Wash- 
ington of  Venezuela,  the  emancipator  of  the  slaves  of  the 
Spanish  viceroys,  the  hero  whose  sword  should  lead  armies 
under  the  fiery  arch  of  the  equator,  and  make  free  the 
populations  of  the  meridional  world.  He  went  to  Cuba 
and  to  Europe.  He  traveled  through  England,  Germany, 
Turkey  and  Russia,  dreaming  always  the  dream  of  South 
American  emancipation.  The  French  Revolution  fired 
his  heart.  He  went  to  Paris,  entered  the  army  of  the 
patriots,  and  rose  to  the  rank  of  major-general.  His 
name  adorns  the  Arc  de  Triomphe  in  Paris,  in  the  list  of 
the  heroes  of  the  Revolution.  In  1797  he  incurred  the 
displeasure  of  the  French  Directory,  and  fled  to  England, 
where  he  mingled  in  official  society.  He  tot3  his  dream 
of  South  American  liberty  to  William  Pitt,  and  asked  his 
aid  in  a  scheme  to  proclaim  liberty  in  the  Andes.  In 
Russia  he  won  the  favor  of  the  Empress  Catherine. 

What  was  the  true  character  of  this  lonely  man  who 
was  passing  from  country  to  country,  and  who  was  filled 
with  these  dazzling  visions? 

In  "The  History  of  Don  Francisco  de  Miranda's  Attempt 
to  Effect  a  Revolution  in  South  America,"  by  James 


THE    KNIGHT   ERRANT    OF    T.IIIERTY  21 

Briggs,  who  was  an  officer  under  Miranda,  we  find  a  de- 
scription of  the  hero :  "  He  [Miranda]  is  a  great  moralist 
or  moralizer.  Vice  and  meanness  in  every  degree  or  shape 
are,  according  to  his  own  declarations,  entirely  against  his 
taste  and  judgment.  If  you  take  his  word  for  it,  he 
is  a  lover  of  virtue  even  to  enthusiasm.  To  use  his  own 
language,  he  '  abominates  tyranny,  hates  fools,  abhors 
flatterers,  detests  pride  and  laments  the  corruption  of 
modern  days.'  He  loves  freedom,  admires  candor,  esteems 
wise  men,  respects  humility  and  delights  in  that  noble  and 
beautiful  integrity  and  good  faith  which  distinguished  the 
golden  times  of  antiquity."  Briggs  further  says  of  him: 
"  He  would  renovate  the  perverted  minds  of  mankind  and 
restore  the  ancient  beatitudes,  when  every  excellence  and 
virtue  prevailed  among  men,  for  the  happiness  of  the 
present  race,  and  the  perpetual  prosperity  of  future  gen- 
erations." This  is  a  qualified  but  not  wholly  unpleasing 
picture  of  one  who  might  indeed  have  been  a  follower  of 
Cincinnatus  and  Washington. 

A  letter  from  Miranda  to  President  Thomas  Jefferson, 
who  had  predicted  South  American  liberty,  dated  "  New 
York,  January  22,  1806,"  confirms  the  view  of  Officer 
Briggs.  Miranda  says :  "  If  the  happy  prediction  which 
you  have  pronounced  on  the  future  destiny  of  our  dear 
Colombia  is  to  be  accomplished  in  our  day,  may  Provi- 
dence grant  that  it  may  be  under  your  auspices  and  by 
the  generous  efforts  of  her  own  children.  We  shall  then 
in  some  sort  behold  the  arrival  of  that  age  the  return  of 
which  the  Roman  bard  invoked  in  favor  of  the  human 
race: 

" '  The  last  great  age,  foretold  by  sacred  rhymes, 
Renews  its  finished  course :    Saturnian  times 
Roll  round  again,  and  mighty  years,  begun 
From  this  first  orb,  in  radiant  circles  run.' " 


22  SOUTH    AMERICA 

A  mind  whose  dreams  of  life  thus  sought  the  sublime 
interpretation  of  the  Fourth  Eclogue  of  Vergil  was  one 
of  no  common  order,  and  must  ever  command  admiration. 

Officer  Briggs  brings  his  volume  of  letters  to  a  close 
with  these  criticisms :  "  After  all,  this  man  of  renown, 
I  fear,  must  be  considered  as  having  more  learning  than 
wisdom,  more  theoretical  knowledge  than  practical  talent. 
He  is  too  sanguine  and  opinionated  to  distinguish  between 
the  vigor  of  enterprise  and  the  hardness  of  infatuation." 

A  man  may  have  good  morals  and  every  polite  accom- 
plishment, and  yet  fail  in  a  noble  cause,  if  self-seeking 
be  not  eliminated  from  his  purpose.  The  critics  of  Mi- 
randa have  said  that  the  hero  sought  to  advance  his  own 
interests  more  than  those  of  his  country,  and  was  more 
willing  to  imitate  the  achievements  of  Washington  than 
to  be  a  Washington.  Men  must  be  judged  largely  by 
their  ideals,  which  are  their  true  selves,  and  we  must  place 
ourselves  among  those  who  would  give  credit  to  the  high 
purpose  for  the  welfare  of  mankind  that  everywhere  led 
the  young  steps  of  Francisco  Miranda.  Miranda  sug- 
gested to  the  world  the  cause  and  method  of  South 
American  independence.  Wendell  Phillips  used  to  say 
that  there  were  two  kinds  of  men  in  the  world — one  who 
went  forth  and  accomplished  something,  and  the  other 
who  showed  how  the  accomplishment  should  have  been 
done  in  some  other  way.  Miranda  belonged  to  those  that 
plan  but  do  not  successfully  execute. 

Miranda  was  rich,  but  his  property  was  sacrificed  to  the 
cause.  He  lived  in  London  as  one  in  another  world ;  for 
he  thought  of  nothing,  talked  of  nothing,  sought  for 
nothing,  but  South  American  independence.  Failing  to 
secure  aid  for  his  cause  in  England,  he  came  to  New 
York,  organized  an  expedition  of  ardent  and  adventurous 
spirits,  and  sailed  for  Venezuela  to  proclaim  a  republic. 


THE   KNIGHT   ERRANT   OF   LIBERTY  23 

He  met  with  disaster  at  sea,  and  the  Venezuelans  at  the 
port  where  he  landed  were  not  prepared  to  respond  to  his 
call.  Disappointed,  but  not  disheartened,  he  returned  to 
England.  His  effort  seemed  to  have  been  fruitless,  but 
it  was  powerful  in  suggestion.  The  very  discussion  of  it 
stimulated  the  cause  of  Venezuelan  independence. 

In  1814  there  appeared  at  Albany,  New  York,  a  book 
entitled  "  History  of  the  Adventures  and  Sufferings  of 
Moses  Smith  during  Five  Years  of  his  Life,  from  the 
Beginning  of  the  Year  1806,  when  He  was  Betrayed  into 
the  Miranda  Expedition."  The  book  is  not  friendly  to 
General  Miranda,  for  Smith  was  led  by  false  representa- 
tions of  a  recruiting-officer  named  Fink  to  join  the 
patriotic  expedition.  The  narrative  is  graphic.  It  fur- 
nishes a  picture  of  the  ideals  and  methods  of  Miranda, 
and  of  the  first  attempt  for  South  American  liberation. 
We  quote  from  this  narrative:  "  On  the  i$th  of  February 
we  arrived  at  Jaquemel  in  St.  Domingo.  There  our  tri- 
colored  flag  was  displayed,  and  our  printing-press  was 
set  to  work  on  board  the  Leander.  Proclamations  were 
struck  off,  addressed  to  the  people  of  South  America  by 
Don  Francisco  Miranda,  commander-in-chief  of  the  Colom- 
bian Army  of  South  America.  In  them  were  set  forth 
the  griefs  of  the  people,  their  wrongs  and  hardships,  and 
the  intention  of  the  general  to  emancipate  them.  The 
officers,  who  were  constituted  before  by  brevet,  now  re- 
ceived their  commissions  from  the  general,  by  virtue  of 
the  power  vested  in*  him.  It  was  announced  that  the 
Cleopatra,  Captain  Wright,  was  to  join  us  at  this  port,  and 
there  was  a  constant  lookout  for  her.  It  was  also  ex- 
pected that  we  should  be  joined  by  another  American 
merchant  ship,  called  the  Emperor,  commanded  by  Cap- 
tain Lewis.  To  effect  this  junction,  Captain  Lewis  and 
Major  Smith  went  to  Port  au  Prince,  but  returned  without 


24  SOUTH    AMERICA 

success.  Two  unarmed  American  schooners,  one  called 
the  Bee  and  the  other  the  Bacchus,  were,  however, 
chartered,  and  various  modes  of  recruiting  resorted  to  in 
order  to  increase  the  army,  which,  after  all,  did  not  amount 
to  more  than  two  hundred  men,  seamen  included.  An 
oath  was  administered  to  the  officers  to  be  true  and  faith- 
ful to  the  free  people  of  South  America  independent  of 
Spain,  to  serve  them  honestly  against  all  their  enemies, 
and  to  obey  the  orders  of  the  supreme  government  of 
that  country,  and  the  officers  by  them  appointed.  The 
officers,  on  receiving  their  commissions,  signed  a  promise 
to  be  governed  by  the  articles  of  war  of  the  United  States, 
with  such  formal  alterations  only  as  might  suit  them  to 
the  different  government  under  which  they  then  were  or 
might  be.  From  this  time  the  discipline,  which  had  been 
strict  before,  became  rigorous." 

It  was  Moses  Smith's  lot  to  be  put,  with  those  enrolled 
by  Mr.  Fink,  on  board  the  Bee,  and  anchored  close  to 
the  Leander.  The  alarm  and  discontent  of  these  sailors 
were  great,  but  their  murmurs  were  silenced  by  the  terrors 
of  the  articles  of  war.  They  concerted  plans  of  escape, 
and  once  rose  to  effect  their  deliverance  ;  but  their  officers 
hailed  the  Leander,  which  sent  an  armed  force  to  subdue 
theiru  They  were  unarmed,  and  easily  overcome.  Some 
were  wounded,  others  punished  summarily  by  imprison- 
ment or  put  into  irons*  They  still,  however,  held  to  the 
determination  to  effect  their  escape  on  the  first  favorable 
occasion,  or  to  sell  their  lives  dearly* 

"  After  being  ten  days  at  sea,"  the  narrative  continues, 
"  instead  of  making  the  place  of  our  destination,  which 
was  the  small  island  of  Bonair,  on  the  coast  of  the  Span- 
ish Main,  we  were,  by  some  mistake  of  the  pilot,  or  by 
other  mischance,  deeply  engulfed  in  the  bay  of  Vene- 
zuela, seventy  miles  to  leeward,  with  current  and  trade- 


THE    KNIGHT    ERRANT    OF    LIBERTY  25 

wind  against  us.  We  therefore  directed  our  course  for 
the  island  of  Aruba,  which  we  reached  on  the  4th  of  April. 

"  We  were  joined  at  Aruba  by  an  English  schooner 
called  the  Echo,  Captain  Philips,  a  smuggler,  to  whom  it 
was  said  the  general  gave  sealed  orders,  but  who  left  us 
after  a  few  days,  and  never  appeared  again.  We  beat  up 
toward  Bonair,  and  on  the  24th  of  April  had  the  mainland 
and  the  islands  of  Little  Caracas  and  Bonair  in  sight. 
An  officer,  Major  Donahue,  was  ordered  to  go  in  the 
Bacchus  to  Bonair,  to  see  whether  any  English  frigates 
or  other  vessels  of  war  were  there,  as  we  expected  to 
be  joined  by  such.  There  were  no  English  vessels  in 
the  port,  nor  did  Major  Donahue  bring  intelligence  of 
any.  On  the  following  day,  the  25th,  a  proclamation  was 
issued,  offering  to  the  sailors  who  should  enlist  as  soldiers, 
to  serve  under  the  Colombian  standard  on  shore,  thirty 
dollars  per  month,  a  bounty  of  fifty  at  the  close  of  the 
campaign  to  each  one  who  should  distinguish  himself,  a 
bounty  to  the  non-commissioned  officers,  and  to  all  who, 
having  distinguished  themselves,  wished  to  return  to  their 
families,  a  gratuity  proportioned  to  their  courage  and 
fidelity.  With  these  promises,  and  much  haranguing  and 
persuasion,  many  were  prevailed  on  to  agree. 

"  Many  of  these  men  had  been  forced  into  this  expe- 
dition against  their  will.  They  had  not  yet  shed  blood 
nor  taken  any  active  part  in  warfare.  The  laws  of  their 
native  country  were  not  intentionally  violated  by  them, 
and  they  had  not  incurred  the  vengeance  of  any  other. 
They  determined  to  escape.  Two  undertook  to  sound 
the  others.  They  were  Benjamin  Davis  and  Henry  Sperry. 
Every  one  of  the  men  engaged  by  John  Fink  agreed  cor- 
dially to  cooperate,  and  some  of  the  sailors  promised  to 
join ;  but  before  the  time  arrived  for  executing  their  plot 
it  was  discovered.  Their  plan  was  to  mutiny,  take  com- 


26  SOUTH   AMERICA 

mand  of  the  schooner,  and  steer  for  the  nearest  port 
where  they  could  escape ;  but  the  ships  were  discovered  by 
two  Spanish  guardacostas,  one  a  brig  of  twenty  guns, 
the  other  a  schooner  of  eighteen.  They  were  hailed  by 
the  captain  of  the  Leander,  and  ordered  to  prepare  for 
action.  After  some  broadsides  exchanged  between  the 
armed  vessels  on  both  sides,  they  were  ordered  to  board 
the  enemy  on  the  lee  side,  while  the  Leander  was  to 
attack  and  board  the  ship  on  the  weather  side.  They 
obeyed  their  orders,  but  before  they  could  accomplish 
them,  to  their  inexpressible  astonishment,  they  saw  the 
Leander^  with  Miranda  on  board,  haul  down  her  colors 
and  make  off.  The  remaining  ships  were  boarded  and 
taken  by  the  Spaniards.  The  men  were  plundered, 
stripped,  and  rifled ;  and  so  impatient  were  the  conquerors 
for  the  booty  that  before  they  took  the  time  to  pull  the 
clothes  off  they  first  cut  the  pockets  to  make  sure  of 
the  contents.  So  expert  were  they  in  this  inglorious  kind 
of  warfare  that  they  seldom  failed  to  clear  away  the  pocket 
with  a  single  stroke.  The  prisoners  were  next  pinioned 
and  secured,  tied  back  to  back,  and  in  that  humiliating 
posture  conveyed  to  Port  Cabello.  There  they  were  dis- 
embarked, and  driven  into  the  castle  of  St.  Philip,  chained 
two  and  two,  and  loaded  with  irons.  They  were  divided 
into  two  parties  of  about  thirty  each,  the  whole  number 
taken  in  the  two  schooners  amounting  to  about  sixty. 
They  were  then  thrown  into  two  separate  dungeons,  and 
suffered  indescribable  privations. 

"  Their  trial  took  place  toward  the  end  of  June.  It  was 
not  till  the  2Oth  of  July  that  their  doom  was  announced 
to  them.  On  that  day  their  prison  doors  were  thrown 
open,  and  they  were  told  by  an  interpreter  that  they  must 
come  out  to  be  hanged.  The  names  of  ten  of  the  prisoners, 
all  officers  in  Miranda's  army,  were  first  called,  and  the 


THE    KNIGHT   ERRANT    OF    LIBERTY  27 

interpreter  read  this  sentence  from  a  paper  he  held :  '  In 
the  morning  of  to-morrow,  at  six  o'clock,  you,  and  each 
of  you,  are  sentenced  to  be  hanged  by  the  neck  until  you 
are  dead ;  after  which  your  heads  are  to  be  severed  from  your 
bodies,  placed  upon  poles,  and  distributed  in  the  most 
public  parts  of  the  country.'  The  remainder,  being  nine- 
teen in  number,  were  sentenced  to  eight  years'  imprison- 
ment in  the  castle  of  Boca  Chica,  near  Cartagena,  which 
sentences  were  all  executed." 

The  conduct  of  Miranda  in  this  case  has  been  severely 
criticized.  It  would  seem  that  it  was  not  only  the  sailors 
who  had  been  deceived,  but  that  he  himself  had  been. 
Had  he  not  escaped,  he  must  have  found  himself  either  a 
prisoner  of  the  enemy  or  have  been  deserted  by  his  own 
men.  So  ended  his  first  vision  of  the  emancipation  of  his 
country. 


CHAPTER    III 

JOSEPH    BONAPARTE,    KING   OF    SPAIN    AND    OF 
THE    INDIES 


w 


E  must  glance  back  to  Spam,  to  "  the  Peninsula," 
to  understand  the  relations  that  existed  between 
that  empire  and  her  colonies.  It  was  Napoleon  I.  who 
opened  the  door  of  opportunity  to  South  Ame/ica  by 
deposing  the  quarrelsome  family  of  Charles  IV.,  and  pla£*% 
ing  his  own  amiable  and  faithful  brother  on  the  throne  of 
the  Bourbons. 

It  was  the  time  of  Ferdinand  VII.,  son  of  Charles  IV., 
who  was  born  in  1784.  In  his  youth  Ferdinand  VII.  was 
subject  to  the  intrigues  and  jealousies  of  his  family.  The 
father  and  son  quarreled,  and  on  March  19,  1808,  King 
Charles,  in  the  interests  of  peace,  abdicated  in  favor  of  his 
son,  who  became  king  under  the  title  of  Ferdinand  VII. 
Soon  after  this  change  the  old  king  became  unsettled  in 
his  resolution,  and  wrote  to  Napoleon  I.  that  his  abdica- 
tion had  not  been  voluntary,  but  had  been  forced.  The 
most  bitter  enmity  had  arisen  between  father  and  son. 
Napoleon  was  ambitious  to  govern  Spain  himself  through 
his  own  family,  and  make  it  a  dependency  of  France.  He 
refused  to  recognize  Ferdinand  as  king,  and  sent  troops 
over  the  Pyrenees,  who  occupied  the  Spanish  capital. 
Ferdinand  was  induced  to  surrender  the  crown  of  Spain  to 

28 


JOSEPH    BONAPARTE  29 

Napoleon,  and  the  latter  planned  to  govern  the  country 
by  one  of  his  own  family. 

The  American  colonies  were  faithful  to  the  cause  of  the 
deposed  Ferdinand  VII.  They  regarded  themselves  as 
without  a  government,  and  set  up  their  own  governments 
in  the  name  of  Ferdinand  VII.,  whom  they  held  to  be 
living  in  exile,  and  whom  they  expected  to  see  returned 
to  the  throne. 

It  is  necessary  Jhat  the  reader  should  know  how  the 
throne  of  Spain  was  filled  during  the  critical  period  of 
South  American  history,  when  those  revolutions  which 
ended  in  the  independence  of  that  continent  were  occur- 
ring. 

Napoleon  had  a  favorite  brother,  Joseph,  who  was  born 
in  Corsica,  January  7,  1768.  Joseph  was  the  eldest 
brother  of  Napoleon,  and  the  stay  and  support  of  the 
family  after  the  death  of  his  father.  He  removed  with 
his  brothers  and  sisters  to  Marseilles  in  1793.  The  affec- 
tions of  Napoleon  seem  to  have  been  capricious,  but  he 
loved  this  brother  devotedly.  The  affection  was  recipro- 
cated. Joseph  Bonaparte  was  true  to  his  brother  through 
all  the  vicissitudes  of  the  latter's  stormy  life. 

Napoleon  had  made  his  brother  Joseph  King  of  Naples. 
But  Joseph  was  a  lover  of  literature  and  art,  and  was  not 
born  for  camps  and  courts.  He  had  married  the  daughter 
of  a  wealthy  citizen  of  Marseilles,  an  unambitious  woman, 
for  whom  the  splendors  of  royalty  had  but  little  charm. 
Her  health  was  precarious.  She  did  not  go  with  him  to 
Spain. 

It  has  been  said  that  Napoleon  really  loved  none  of  his 
family  but  Joseph,  who  was  a  father  to  him  in  his  youth. 
This  is  more  easily  asserted  than  proved,  but  certain  it  is 
that  his  affection  for  Joseph  was  most  touching.  It  was 
Napoleon's  delight  to  make  Joseph  King  of  Naples,  but 


30  SOUTH    AMERICA 

he  wished  to  give  him  a  nobler  and  more  historic  throne. 
It  was  this  affection  and  ambition  that  made  Joseph  Bona- 
parte "  King  of  the  Indies,"  a  position  that  not  one  of 
the  South  American  provinces  would  recognize. 

The  struggle  of  Napoleon  in  behalf  of  his  amiable 
brother  is  one  of  the  pathetic  chapters  of  his  history,  and 
few  things  are  more  touching  than  Joseph's  fidelity  to  him 
under  all  conditions  and  circumstances.  Their  correspon- 
dence tells  the  affecting  story  of  this  wonderful  friend- 
ship ;  of  its  beginning,  its  decline  on  the  part  of  Napoleon, 
and  the  fidelity  of  Joseph. 

We  will  give  the  story  in  extracts  from  the  letters  of 
these  brothers,  some  of  the  passages  of  which  are  the 
deepest  revelations  of  Napoleon's  heart : 

"  In  whatever  circumstances  you  may  be  placed  by  for- 
tune, you  know  well,  my  friend,  that  you  cannot  have  a 
better  or  dearer  friend  than  myself,  or  one  who  wishes 
more  sincerely  for  your  happiness.  Life  is  a  thin  dream, 
and  it  will  soon  be  over.  If  you  are  going  away,  send  me 
your  portrait.  We  have  lived  together  so  many  years,  so 
closely  united,  that  our  hearts  have  become  one,  and  you 
know  how  entirely  mine  belongs  to  you." — Napoleon  to 
Joseph,  June  25,  1795. 

"  Good-by,  my  dear  friend ;  be  cautious  as  to  the  fu- 
ture and  content  with  the  present.  .  .  .  As  for  me,  I  am 
happy,  and  only  want  to  find  myself  on  the  battle-field; 
for  a  soldier  must  either  conquer  or  perish  gloriously."  — 
Napoleon  to  Joseph,  Paris,  August  9,  1795. 

"  Brother  Joseph,  what  would  father  say,  could  he  see 
us  now!  " — Napoleon,  in  his  coronation  robes,  Notre 
Dame,  1804. 

"  The  glorious  emperor  will  never  replace  to  me  the 
Napoleon  whom  I  so  much  loved." — Joseph  to  Napoleon, 
1806. 


JOSEPH   BONAPARTE  31 

"  King  Charles  by  his  treaty  surrenders  the  crown  of 
Spain  to  me.  The  nation  asks  me  for  a  king.  I  destine 
the  crown  of  Spain  to  yojt." — Napoleon  to  Joseph, 
Bayonne,  May  21,  1808. 

"  Only  a  fool  remains  long  in  a  false  position.  In  forty 
years  of  life  I  have  learned  only  what  I  knew  almost  from 
the  beginning,  that  all  is  vanity  except  a  good  conscience 
and  self-respect. 

"  As  soon  as  it  becomes  necessary  I  shall  retire.  Dur- 
ing my  whole  life  I  shall  be  your  best,  perhaps  your  only, 
friend." — Joseph  to  Napoleon,  February  19,  1809. 

"  I  am  here  surrounded  by  the  ruins  of  a  great  na- 
tion. .  .  . 

"  If  you  take  from  me  the  army  of  Andalusia,  what 
shall  I  be  ?  A  porter  of  the  hospitals,  a  jailer  of  prisoners. 

"  Sire,  I  am  your  brother.  You  presented  me  to  Spain 
as  your  second  self.  I  felt  the  praise.  I  shall  not  fall 
below  it  in  honor,  in  the  magnanimity  of  my  heart,  and 
the  tenderness  of  my  love  for  my  brother.  .  .  . 

"  I  implore  your  Majesty  to  see  in  this  letter  only  what 
I  have  desired  to  write — the  simple  truth  which  attached 
me  to  you  in  your  cradle,  and,  whatever  may  happen,  will 
accompany  me  to  my  tomb.  .  .  . 

"  I  weep  over  the  weakness  of  human  nature ;  over  a 
family  scattered,  once  so  united ;  over  the  change  in  the 
heart  of  my  brother;  over  the  fading  of  immense  glory, 
which  would  have  been  better  preserved  by  generosity 
than  by  any  acquisition  of  power. 

"  If  the  conclusion  of  my  letter  does  not  recall  to  you 
the  tender  and  cherished  friend  of  your  infancy,  if  it  does 
not  tell  you  that  I  am  to  you  what  no  other  man  can  be, 
I  have  nothing  to  do  but  to  retire."— Joseph  to  Napoleon, 
Madrid,  August  8,  1810. 

"  You  are  no  longer  King  of  Spain.     I  do  not  want 


32  SOUTH   AMERICA 

Spain,  either  to  keep  or  give  away.  What  will  you  do? 
Will  you  come  to  the  defense  of  my  throne?  Are  you 
able  to  do  this?  Have  you  sense  enough  to  do  this? 
Then  retire  to  the  obscurity  of  some  country  house  near 
Paris.  You  will  be  useless,  but  you  will  do  me  no  harm" 
—Napoleon  to  Joseph,  December,  1813. 

In  1813  Napoleon  again  placed  Ferdinand  VII.  on  the 
throne  of  Spain.  Joseph  Bonaparte,  King  of  Spain  and  the 
Indies,  was  a  man  who  would  have  sought  only  the  welfare 
of  the  South  American  colonies.  But  the  colonies  to  the 
end  refused  to  recognize  him  as  king,  and  rejected  all  of 
his  attempts  to  gain  their  favor.  They  were  true  to  Ferdi- 
nand VII.  in  the  early  period  of  his  banishment,  but  their 
experiments  in  self-government  had  led  to  the  desire  to 
become  wholly  independent  of  Spain.  Ferdinand  VII., 
after  his  return  to  power,  became  a  tyrant,  and  was 
opposed  to  all  liberal  ideas.  He  reestablished  the  Inquisi- 
tion that  Napoleon  had  overthrown,  and  sought  to  replace 
French  republican  ideas  with  those  of  absolutism.  The 
reader  will  need  to  have  in  mind  these  events  of  Europe 
in  order  to  see  clearly  the  trend  of  Spanish  history  in  the 
American  colonies  while  they  were  disturbed  by  France. 

The  three  parties  in  these  colonies  at  the  time  of  the 
rise  and  growth  of  independent  republican  ideas  were  the 
adherents  of  Ferdinand  VII.,  the  few  partizans  of  Joseph 
Bonaparte  and  the  French  succession,  and  the  heroes  of 
the  independence.  The  last  steadily  grew.  It  was  com- 
posed for  the  most  part  of  the  Creoles,  or  those  born  in 
America  of  European  ancestors.  Most  of  these  were  of 
Spanish  or  of  Portuguese  blood.  The  free  air  of  America 
had  given  to  these  men  a  more  liberal  character.  They 
became  lovers  of  liberty,  justice  and  human  progress.  A 
new  race  had  formed  under  the  Andes.  It  was  a  race  of 
a  fearless  and  noble  spirit.  Adequate  justice  has  never 


JOSEPH   BONAPARTE  33 

been  done  to  this  new  liberty-loving  race.  The  splendid 
deeds  of  their  heroes  have  never  been  deservedly  told  or 
sung  or  recognized  among  heroic  achievements.  When 
the  Creoles  caught  the  spirit  of  liberty  they  gave  to  it 
their  lives.  It  is  the  story  of  their  struggles  that  we 
would  tell. 

Napoleon  crowned  his  own  family,  and  Europe  dis- 
crowned them.  His  rise  and  fall  tended  to  carry  repub- 
lican ideas  into  all  lands,  as  the  crusades  wrought  new 
relations  in  the  whole  human  family  of  the  East.  The 
personal  ambition  of  Napoleon  did  not  destroy  the  ideal 
of  the  government  of  the  people  through  chosen  repre- 
sentatives. The  short  reign  of  the  amiable  and  true- 
hearted  Joseph,  who  loved  all  men  and  hated  none,  who 
helped  all  men  and  hindered  no  beneficent  purpose,  was 
an  influence  that  aided  the  cause  of  South  American  inde- 
pendence, though  the  patriots  had  little  sympathy  with  the 
French  king  when  he  occupied  the  throne. 

Although  the  Creoles  did  not  recognize  his  authority, 
they  found  in  the  character  of  Joseph  Bonaparte  much 
that  was  favorable  to  their  cause  beyond  the  mere  acci- 
dent of  the  change  of  thrones.  Joseph  was  a  man  of  such 
democratic  tendencies  as  to  present  to  the  revolutionary 
viceroyalties  that  liberal  type  of  a  leader  of  men  which 
the  world  was  not  fully  prepared  to  receive.  The  coming 
and  going  of  Joseph  Bonaparte  in  Spanish  political  history, 
as  we  view  it  to-day,  brought  to  South  America  her  great 
opportunity. 


CHAPTER   IV 

SIMON   BOLIVAR,  THE    WASHINGTON    OF   THE    SOUTH 

SIMON  BOLIVAR,  who  united  the  inspiration  of  the 
cause  of  liberty  in  the  South  to  the  perseverance  that 
fulfils  great  designs,  was  cradled  in  the  Andes.  This 
genius,  who,  with  an  army  unschooled  in  the  arts  of  arms, 
liberated  his  own  country,  and  who  stands  next  to  Wash- 
ington in  the  glories  of  the  liberties  of  the  West,  was  born 
in  Caracas,  Venezuela,  July  24,  1783.  While  there  is 
some  uncertainty  as  to  the  exact  date  of  his  birth,  the 
above  is  probably  correct.  His  father  was  a  wealthy  land- 
owner in  Peru.  The  child  seems  to  have  early  shown 
that  brightness  of  intellect  that  made  his  life  a  success. 
He  was,  however,  destined  to  be  left  alone  in  the  world. 
His  father  died  in  1 786,  and  his  mother  lived  long  enough 
to  direct  only  his  early  education. 

The  child  was  placed  in  the  care  of  the  most  competent 
and  inspiring  instructors.  Don  Simon  Rodriguez,  who  is 
said  to  have  been  "  a  kind  of  Diogenes,"  was  his  first 
instructor.  He  was  followed  in  the  work  by  accomplished 
ecclesiastics.  At  the  age  of  fifteen,  on  the  death  of  his 
mother,  Don  Carlos  Palacios,  the  Marquis  Palacios,  his 
uncle,  became  his  guardian.  The  family  was  wealthy  and 
noble,  and  the  boy  was  sent  to  Spain  to  complete  his 
education.  He  spent  several  years  in  studying  law  in 

34 


SIMON   BOLIVAR  35 

Madrid,  and  in  traveling  in  Europe.  He  was  particularly 
attracted  to  those  countries  of  the  South  from  which  the 
great  immigration  to  South  America  is  now  tending.  He 
was  introduced  at  the  court  of  Spain  by  his  maternal 
uncle,  Don  Esteben,  who  had  the  favor  of  the  king.  Boli- 
var thus  relates  an  experience  of  this  period  :  "  The  Prince 
of  Asturias,  Ferdinand,  invited  me,  on  one  occasion,  to 
play  rockets.  In  doing  so  I  struck  him  on  the  head  with 
a  shuttlecock.  Ferdinand  got  angry ;  but  his  mother  was 
present,  and  obliged  him  to  continue  the  game  because, 
having  invited  a  young  gentleman  to  play  with  him,  he 
had  put  himself  on  the  same  level.  Who  would  have 
announced  to  Ferdinand  VII.  that  this  accident  was  only 
an  omen,  and  that  I  should  one  day  wrench  from  his  crown 
his  most  precious  jewel!  " 

Bolivar  then  went  to  Paris,  and  there  witnessed  the  clos- 
ing scenes  of  that  great  spasm  of  social  forces,  the  French 
Revolution.  Returning  to  Madrid,  he  married,  at  the  age 
of  nineteen,  a  most  beautiful  and  accomplished  daughter, 
then  sixteen  years  old,  of  a  family  of  rank.  He  embarked 
for  America,  with  the  intention  of  caring  for  his  estates ; 
but  his  beautiful  young  wife  died  of  yellow  fever.  He 
again  returned  to  Paris  to  soothe  his  grief,  and  there  re- 
mained for  five  years. 

The  death  of  his  wife  had  wrought  a  change  in  him. 
He  now  desired  to  wed  his  life  to  a  cause.  "  I  loved 
my  wife  much,"  he  said,  "  and  at  her  death  I  took  an  oath 
never  to  marry.  I  have  kept  my  word.  If  I  had  not 
been  bereaved,  perhaps  my  life  would  have  been  different. 
I  would  not  have  been  general  of  liberators.  I  would  not 
have  made  my  second  voyage  to  Europe.  I  would  not 
have  had  the  ideas  which  I  gained  by  my  travels,  nor 
would  I  have  had  the  experience,  or  made  the  study  of* 
the  world,  of  mankind  and  of  things,  which  has  been  of 


36  SOUTH   AMERICA 

so  much  service  to  me  during  the  course  of  my  political 
career.  The  death  of  my  wife  placed  me  early  in  the 
way  of  patriotic  effort,  and  caused  me  to  follow  the  chariot 
of  Mars  rather  than  the  plow  of  Ceres." 

In  1805  he  went  to  Italy,  accompanied  by  his  friend 
and  preceptor  Don  Simon  Rodriguez.  Napoleon  at  that 
time  was  summoning  his  conquered  empires  to  rise  against 
Great  Britain.  The  world,  as  it  were,  stood  in  awe  of 
the  victorious  Corsican.  Bolivar  crossed  the  Alps  on  foot, 
visited  Chambery,  reputed  to  be  once  the  home  of  Rous- 
seau, and  was  present  at  the  coronation  of  Napoleon  as 
King  of  Italy.  He  saw  Napoleon  place  the  iron  crown  of 
the  Lombards  on  his  own  head,  with  the  imperious  decla- 
ration :  "  God  has  given  it  to  me ! "  He  also  saw  the  grand 
review  of  the  Army  of  the  Alps  by  Napoleon.  Bolivar 
then  visited  Florence,  Venice  and  Rome. 

At  Rome  he  was  a  dreamer.  The  time  was  drawing 
near  for  him  to  leave  beautiful  Italy  and  the  purple  city 
of  the  Tiber.  "  Let  us  go  to  Monte  Aventino  [the  Sacred 
Mount],"  he  said,  one  morning,  to  Rodriguez.  They 
went.  Ascending  the  hill,  the  city  of  the  living  and 
the  dead,  the  seven  hills,  the '  Tiber  and  the  Campagna 
were  before  their  eyes.  They  stood  upon  the  Sacred 
Mount,  and  they  spoke  of  another  sacred  mount  that  rose 
over  Caracas,  awaiting  heroes  such  as  gave  the  Roman 
republic  its  glory.  Bolivar  was  agitated.  He  read,  as  it 
were,  the  book  of  the  world.  He  talked  of  the  liberty  of 
the  land  of  the  Andes,  and  then  he  held  out  his  hand  to 
Rodriguez.  "  Let  us  here  make  ah  oath,"  said  he.  "  Let 
us  here,  on  this  sacred  hill,  pledge  our  lives  to  the  liberties 
of  our  own  country."  Rodriguez's  heart  responded  to 
that  of  Bolivar.  Then  and  there  they  pledged  themselves 
to  the  cause  of  South  American  independence.  With  that 
resolution  the  republics  of  the  Sun  were  born. 


JON  if 


UNIVERSITY 
^CAUFORHIL 


SIMON   BOLIVAk  3? 

From  Rome  Bolivar  went  to  Hamburg,  and  sailed  for 
home.  On  his  return  to  his  native  country  in  1809,  he 
passed  through  the  United  States,  and  studied  its  insti- 
tutions. 

In  that  sublime  resolution  on  Monte  Aventino  were 
the  battle  of  Boyaca,  the  emancipation  of  New  Granada, 
Venezuela  and  Ecuador,  <the  restoration  of  liberty  to 
Peru,  and  freedom  for  the  whole  of  northern  South 
America.  That  resolution  was  to  guide  his  feet  to  the 
land  of  Washington  from  that  of  Cincinnatus.  It  was  to 
cause  him  to  enter  Caracas  in  triumph,  amid  strewing  of 
flowers  and  pealing  of  bells.  It  was  to  send  him  into  self- 
exile.  It  was  to  lead  him,  in  defiance  of  nature,  to  Hare 
the  Cordilleras,  and  snows,  storms  and  perils,  and  live 
where  animals  perished.  It  would  rob  him  of  fortune,  and 
cause  his  name  to  become  a  mockery  in  his  mother-land. 
It  would  carry  him  on  its  refluent  wave  to  Peru.  It 
would  cause  him  there  to  be  hailed  almost  as  a  god — to 
pass  under  triumphal  arches,  amid  singing  priests,  dancing 
Indians  and  prostrate  people,  while  the  thunder  of  cannon 
shook  the  peaks  of  the  high  Andes,  and  the  bells  of  the 
cities  rang  aloud  with  joy.  It  would  force  him  into  exile 
again  at  last,  and  cause  him  to  die  of  a  broken  heart. 

But  that  would  not  be  the  end.  Caracas,  that  dressed 
in  festal  white  for  his  triumphs,  would  receive  him  in  robes 
of  black  for  his  burial,  and  entomb  him  in  glory,  and  set 
his  statue  among  the  heroes  of  the  world. 

In  that  vow  on  the  Sacred  Mount  there  was  begun  a 
new  era  in  the  world. 

He  was  now  alone  in  the  world,  without  father,  mother, 
wife  or  child.  He  was  something  of  a  philosopher.  Fresh 
from  the  dramatic  efforts  of  the  French  people  to  estab- 
lish a  system  of  republican  government,  he  saw  in  the 
young  republic  of  the  United  States  the  model  for  the 


38  SOUTH    AMERICA 

future  of  his  native  land,  and  for  all  the  Spanish  Ameri- 
can states  of  the  viceroy.  The  people  of  his  own  coun- 
try, awakened  in  part  by  the  suggestions  o'f  Miranda, 
were  alive  to  the  cause  of  liberty.  He  went  to  Caracas 
and  joined  the  revolutionary  movements.  He  took  part 
in  the  uprising  of  the  people  in  April,  1810.  He  received 
an  officer's  commission  from  the  Council  of  State  (the 
junta),  and  was  authorized,  with  Luis  Lepez  Mendes,  to 
go  to  Great  Britain  to  purchase  arms  for  the  protection 
of  the  revolutionary  government.  He  returned  with  a 
cargo  of  arms  in  1 8 1 1 . 

Bolivar  brought  Miranda  with  him.  The  events  that 
followed  the  association  of  Bolivar  and  Miranda  are  among 
the  most  affecting  and  inexplicable  in  human  history. 
Bolivar  had  been  advised  by  the  supreme  junta  of 
Caracas  not  to  bring  the  schemes  of  Miranda  into  the 
new  movement,  nor  to  consult  with  him  about  it.  But 
he  found  Miranda  in  London,  a  lonely  old  man,  a  patriot 
with  his  own  dream  of  the  liberty  of  Venezuela.  Bolivar 
could  not  refrain  from  seeking  to  cheer  Miranda's  heart 
by  informing  him  of  the  progress  of  events.  It  was  the 
seed  sown  by  Miranda  that  was  growing.  Bolivar  gen- 
erously went  to  him,  invited  him  to  return  to  Vene- 
zuela, and  offered  him~tfie*  hospitality  of  his  own  house. 
Bolivar  did  not  do  secretly  what  he  held  to  be  an  act  of 
justice  to  a  br6ther  patriot.  His  own  return  to  Caracas 
would  be  hailed  as  a  triumph.  He  would  enter  the  city 
amid  acclamations.  He  determined  that  Miranda  should 
ride  beside  him  on  the  occasion.  The  people  rejoiced 
when  they  saw  Miranda.  It  thrilled  them  to  see  the  old, 
virtuous,  self-sacrificing  patriot  riding  beside  young  Simon 
Bolivar. 

Ovations  to  Miranda  followed  the  chief's  return.  He 
was  looked  upon  now  as  a  genius,  schooled  in  all  the 


SIMON   BOLIVAR  39 

arts  of  war.  His  unsuccessful  effort  in  1806  was  now 
regarded  as  a  splendid  achievement.  The  event  of  the 
19th  of  April  had  glorified  it.  It  was,  in  the  light  of  this 
event,  a  trumpet-call  to  liberty,  a  summons  to  victory. 

Another  great  movement  for  South  America  was  now 
at  hand.  The  people  were  gathering  in  electoral  colleges 
to  elect  representatives  to  a  congress  in  Caracas.  This 
congress  would  deal  with  the  question  of  independence. 
The  electoral  college  of  Caracas  was  the  first  assembly 
to  exercise  the  principles  of  executive  government  in  the 
Andes.  To  this  congress  Miranda  was  elected  a  deputy 
by  the  Pao  of  Barcelona.  He  was  made  lieutenant-general 
of  the  Army  of  the  Provinces.  He  was  now  at  the  height 
of  his  influence,  everywhere  hailed  as  the  apostle  of  liberty, 
as  the  man  who  had  perceived  the  future  in  a  vision.  His 
position  at  this  time  shows  how  perilous  is  great  oppor- 
tunity. 

Events  are  hurrying.  The  day  of  independence  is  at 
hand.  Caracas  stands  white  in  the  high  plateau  of  the 
Andes,  amid  her  green  mountain  wall  of  cacti,  the  peaks 
gleaming  above  her,  the  purple  waters  shining  beneath 
her.  The  venerable  Miranda  is  her  hero,  and  young  Boli- 
var among  her  men  of  promise.  The  independence  which 
would  make  Venezuela  a  sister  of  the  great  republic  of  the 
North  was  the  desire  of  all  hearts,  the  vision  of  all  eyes. 

At  this  happy  period,  who  could  have  looked  upon  the 
city  and  have  forecast  the  events  of  the  year  to  follow  ? 

The  grand  event  that  led  to  South  American  indepen- 
dence took  place  in  Caracas  on  April  19,  1 8 1  o.  That  day 
was  the  beginning  of  Andean  liberty.  At  this  period  of 
transition,  whet}  there  was  no  general  government  on  the 
Peninsula,  but  conflicting  authorities,  whom  should  the 
American  colonies  obey — Charles,  Ferdinand,  the  royal 
juntas  or  the  new  regime?  Why  should  they  not  elect 


4O  SOUTH   AMERICA 

juntas  of  their  own,  to  do  their  will,  and  thus  be  indepen- 
dent? The  junta  could  elect  the  rulers  whom  the  people 
favored. 

In  electing  such  a  junta  Caracas  led  the  way.  Napo- 
leon was  indeed  to  place  Ferdinand  on  the  throne  of  Spain 
again,  and  the  latter  was  to  rule  over  Spain  and  her  prov- 
inces with  an  autocratic  will ;  but  after  the  election  of  the 
junta  at  Caracas,  a  decree  had  gone  forth  by  which  abso- 
lutism in  the  Andes  would  never  be  permanently  re- 
established. 

The  proclamation  of  the  independence  of  Caracas 
through  the  junta  was  brought  about  by  a  series  of  dra- 
matic events.  Liberty  was  in  the  air,  but  Emparan,  the 
captain-general  of  the  country,  governed  the  people  in 
the  name  of  the  crown  of  Spain.  Three  parties  arose  in 
Venezuela:  those  who  adhered  to  the  fortunes  of  King 
Ferdinand ;  the  imperialists,  or  Bonapartists ;  and  those 
who  would  establish  an  independent  government,  corre- 
sponding in  spirit  to  the  Sons  of  Liberty  in  the  early  days 
of  the  American  Revolution.  These  sons  of  independence 
we  may  term  the  patriots.  Of  them  Don  Simon  Bolivar 
was  a  leader. 

On  April  18,  1810,  Wednesday  of  Holy  Week,  there  ar- 
rived at  Caracas  commissioners  to  announce  that  a  regency 
had  been  formed  at  Cadiz,  to  which  the  Venezuelans  were 
counseled  to  be  loyal.  Don  Simon  Bolivar  spoke  the 
word  which  turned  this  event  into  an  inspiration  to  the 
patriotic  cause.  "  This  power,"  he  said,  "  which  fluctuates 
in  such  a  manner  on  the  Peninsula,  and  does  not  secure 
itself,  invites  us  to  establish  the  jtinta  of  Caracas,  and  be 
governed  by  ourselves''  He  had  sounded  the  trumpet-note 
of  liberty  on  the  Andes.  On  the  morning  of  April  19, 
1810,  the  corporation  of  the  city  assembled  in  the  church, 
according  to  the  custom,  to  assist  in  the  celebration  of 


SIMON   BOLIVAR  41 

Holy  Thursday.  They  invited  the  governor,  Emparan,  to 
meet  with  them.  Emparan  was  by  nature  a  tyrant.  He 
declared  that  he  governed  Caracas  by  the  power  of  his  own 
will.  He  ignored  the  counsels  of  the  corporation.  Emparan 
met  the  corporation  on  that  holy  day.  He  there  heard 
broached  the  suggestion  of  a  junta  of  Caracas.  In  the 
suggestion  he  perceived  independence  and  the  end  of  his 
own  power.  He  was  filled  with  rage.  "  I  will  talk  with 
you  after  the  divine  offices  in  the  church,"  said  he  to 
the  city  council,  haughtily.  He  left  the  council-hall  and 
went  out.  Whither  had  he  gone  ?  Would  he  order  their 
arrest?  They  awaited  the  event  with  suspense  and  appre- 
hension. What  would  this  last  royal  governor  of  Spain 
do?  Return  to  the  council?  That  would  be  to  break 
with  Spain.  Order  the  arrest  of  the  patriots?  That  would 
leave  him  between  two  hostile  powers.  Either  event 
might  end  his  own  power.  It  was  an  hour  of  suspense, 
an  hour  of  human  destiny.  The  governor  represented 
the  regency ;  the  city  council  represented  self-govern- 
ment ;  and  a  Napoleon  was  on  the  throne  of  Spain.  But 
it  was  the  hour  of  opportunity,  and  the  patriots  so  regarded 
it.  At  the  door  of  the  cathedral  were  the  grenadiers. 
The  patriots  stayed  in  their  chamber  awaiting  events. 
Emparan  entered  the  cathedral.  A  patriot  met  him  there. 
"  Return  to  the  council,"  said  the  latter,  laying  his  hand 
on  his  arm.  Emparan  obeyed  the  touch.  He  reentered 
the  council-room.  The  council  had  resolved  on  indepen-j 
dence,  and  he  was  no  longer  governor.  Spain  in  America 
was  tottering  to  its  fall.  The  forming  of  a  supreme  junta 
was  now  proposed  to  him.  He  perceived  his  loss  of  power, 
and  made  no  opposition.  Encouraged  by  his  silence,  the 
corporation  was  about  to  make  him  the  president  of  the 
junta  when  a  thrilling  incident  occurred.  There  was  in 
Caracas  an  ardent  patriot  by  the  name  of  Jose  Cortes 


42  SOUTH   AMERICA 

Madariga,  a  native  of  Chili,  and  a  deacon  of  the  cathedral. 
He  was  at  confession  when  he  was  told  what  was  happen- 
ing. As  if  inspired  by  Providence,  he  rushed  from  the 
church  to  the  council-room,  and  presented  himself  like  a 
prophet  before  the  patriots.  He  said :  "  I  appear  before 
you  as  a  deputy  of  the  clergy.  Beware  what  you  do  at 
this  hour.  You  are  blind  if  you  again  put  yourself  at  the 
mercy  of  the  representative  of  Spain.  Imperil  not  your 
fair  prospect  of  sovereignty — of  self-government  for  a 
people  who  should  be  free."  He  pictured  the  condition 
of  political  affairs  in  the  Spanish  peninsula,  and  then,  with 
a  godlike  resolution,  added  :  "  I  demand  the  deposition  of 
your  governor,  in  the  name  of  the  public  good.  Yes,  I 
demand  it  in  the  name  of  justice,  of  my  country,  and  of 
liberty!" 

The  words  that  he  spoke  were  decisive ;  they  were  an 
unwritten  law.  Emparan  fled  to  the  balcony,  and  sum- 
moned the  people  to  hear  him  speak.  Madariga  followed 
him.  "Venezuelans,"  said  the  governor,  "  are  you  con- 
tent with  my  administration?"  Madariga,  standing  be- 
hind him,  made  signs  to  the  people  to  answer  "  No."  A 
shout  rose:  "No;  we  want  you  not!"  The  last  royal 
governor  saw  his  doom.  "Then  I  do  not  want  you!"  he 
said.  The  revolution  in  spirit  was  accomplished. 

That  day  the  junta  of  Caracas  was  proclaimed.  It 
was  an  independent  power.  It  might  choose  its  own 
rulers.  It  voted  not  to  recognize  the  regency  of  Cadiz, 
and  announced  that  Venezuela,  in  virtue  of  its  natural 
and  political  rights,  would  proceed  to  the  formation  of  a 
government  of  its  own,  and  would  exercise  authority  in 
the  name  of  Ferdinand  VII. 

The  council  decreed  the  banishment  of  Emparan,  but 
'voted  to  pay  his  expenses  to  the  United  States.  Not  a  gun 
had  been  fired.  The  revolution  was  an  accomplished  fact. 


4  CHAPTER  Vv 

THE  INDEPENDENCE,  l8ll — THE  EVENT  OF 
JULY  4 — THE  DECLARATION, 

THAT  was  a  thrilling  hour  when,  on  July  4,  1811, 
Don  Simon  Bolivar  arose  in  the  Patriotic  Society  of 
Caracas.  Great  political  movements  have  frequently  begun 
in  clubs.  The  social  revolution  in  France  found  its  voice 
in  La  Montagne.  The  South  American  liberties  were  born 
in  the  Patriotic  Club  in  London,  of  which  Miranda  was 
the  inspiring  spirit  The  Patriotic  Society  of  Caracas  arose 
out  of  the  necessities  of  the  hour.  It  led  public  opinion, 
and  developed  the  sentiment  of  liberty  and  independence. ' 

The  provinces  had  elected  a  congress.  The  deputies  of 
the  people  met  at  Caracas.  The  one  question  that  excited 
all  minds  was,  Shall  the  Congress  sever  the  province  from 
Spain^  and  proclaim  to  the  world  its  independence?  The 
air  was  electric  with  patriotism,  but  there  were  conserva- 
tive minds  amid  the  popular  enthusiasm  for  liberty.  Such 
were  jealous  of  the  influence  of  the  Patriotic  Society.  To 
them  the  society  was  a  congress  of  counsel,  whose  opinions 
the  legislative  body  followed  as  a  matter  of  form.  In  this 
society  these  cautious  minds  saw  the  methods  of  the 
French  Revolution. 

On  July  4,  L&ir^a  very  important  meeting  of  the  Pa-/ 
triotic  Society  was  held.  The  declaration  had  been  made 

43 


44  SOUTH   AMERICA 

that  the  society  was  but  another  congress,  without  powers, 
and  that  its  influence  tended  to  schism.  To  rectify  this 
mistake,  young  Bolivar  rose,  and  poured  forth  his  ardent 
and  decisive  sentiments  in  fiery  words :  "  Patriots,  there 
are  not  two  congresses,  one  of  opinion,  and  one  of  action. 
The  times  demand  both  bodies.  Those  who  feel  the  neces- 
sity of  the  union  of  all  hearts  for  liberty  can  make  no 
schism.  Patriots,  what  we  desire  is  the  union  of  all  hearts 
and  minds  to  inspire  us  in  the  achievement  of  our  liberty. 
The  hour  has  come.  Yesterday  to  repose  in  the  arms  of 
apathy  was  a  disgrace;  to-day  it  is  treason*  The  voice 
of  the  people  must  be  heard.  The  Sovereign  Congress  as- 
sembles ;  it  discusses  what  should  be  done  in  this  crisis. 
What  does  it  say?  That  we  should  commence  the  new 
order  of  things  in  a  confederation.  Are  we  not  already 
confederated  against  foreign  tyranny?  That  we  should 
await  the  result  of  the  policy  of  Spain.  Await?  What 
is  it  to  us,  my  countrymen,  whether  Spain  sells  her  slaves 
to  Bonaparte,  or  keeps  them  to  do  her  bidding,  if  we  our- 
selves are  determined  to  be  free  ?  What  matters  it,  O  my 
countrymen?  Such  sentiments  as  these  are  the  sorrow- 
ful results  of  our  chains.  They  tell  us  that  vast  projects 
should  be  developed  calmly.  Calmly?  Are  not  three 
hundred  years  of  servitude  a  sufficient  preparation  for  de- 
cisive action  ?  Calmly  ?  Are  three  hundred  years  of  like 
tyranny  needed  to  make  us  men?  Our  Patriotic  Society 
respects  as  it  should  the  august  Congress  of  the  new  nation ; 
but  that  Congress  should  remember  that  our  Society  re- 
sponds to  the  public  heart,  and  is  the  focus  of  enlighten- 
ment in  the  revolutionary  cause.  Patriots,  let  us  lay, 
without  fear,  the  foundation-stone  of  South  American  lib- 
erty. To  falter  is  to  fall.  Venezuelans,  I  move  that  a 
committee  be  appointed  from  this  body  to  carry  these, 
sentiments  to  the  Sovereign  Congress!" 


THE   EVENT   OF   JULY   4  45 

The  speech,  like  that  of  Patrick  Henry  amid  like  events, 
was  decisive.  The  next  day  the  sun  of  the  Andes  shone 
on  a  republic,  and  not  on  a  slave-pen  of  Spain. 

A  deputy  followed  Bolivar,  and  in  the  spirit  of  the 
thrilling  exhortation,  "  Let  us  lay  the  foundation-stone  of 
South  American  liberty,"  moved  that  the  "  motion  of 
Don  Simon  Bolivar  be  adopted."  The  society  carried 
the  motion  with  the  fervor  of  the  growing  inspiration,  and 
Dr.  Miguel  Pena  was  instructed  to  write  the  petition  to 
the  Sovereign  Congress,  expressing  the  views  of  Bolivar. 

The  petition  was  read  in  the  legislative  body  on  July  4,  / 
the  eve  of  the  memorable  day  of  Venezuela  and  of  the' 
meridional  world.     It  was  a  hammer-stroke.     The  privi- 
leged  group   of  the   Patriotic   Society  had   recorded  an 
opinion   that  was   unwritten   law. 

It  was  July  5,  181 1.  As  the  light  poured  over  the  pur- 
ple Caribbean  Sea  and  the  green  Andes,  the  people  hailed 
the  rising  sun  as  the  beginning  of  a  new  era.  Congress 
this  day  would  record  the  patriotic  declaration  of  the  4th. 
Congress  assembled,  presumably  in  the  Federal  Palace. 
The  president  of  the  Congress  faced  the  future  boldly, 
and  in  a  clear  and  heroic  voice  said  to  the  excited  depu- 
ties :  "  We  have  now  arrived  at  the  hour  most  opportune 
to  treat  the  question  of  absolute  independence.  The  ques- 
tion should  be  discussed  immediately."  The  galleries 
thundered  with  applause.  Deputies  sprang  to  their  feet 
to  support  the  motion.  "  Shall  the  motion  to  make  Ven- 
ezuela free  be  adopted  ?  "  "  Motion ! " 

What  events  of  three  hundred  years  of  servitude  in 
South  America  lay  behind  that  motion,  trembling  in  the 
air,  in  that  bright  room  lit  by  the  sun  of  the  Andes!  The 
provinces  of  South  America  had  been  but  prisons  of  Spain. 
The  mita  had  hardly  been  more  oppressive  upon  them 
than  the  Spanish  king  had  been  to  his  own  people  of  the 


46  SOUTH   AMERICA 

Peninsula.  Charles  IV.  once  said,  on  returning  a  petition 
of  the  people  of  Merida  for  a  school :  "  I  do  not  consider 
learning  proper  in  America."  The  Peninsular  kings  held 
all  Americans  in  their  provinces  to  be  slaves,  denied  them 
the  right  to  think,  and  accounted  any  independent  expres- 
sion of  thought  as  treason. 

Larrazabal,  in  a  clear  and  masterly  manner,  makes  a 
summary  of  the  most  conspicuous  of  these  grievances :  the 
printing  and  even  the  sale  of  books  of  any  kind  without 
the  sanction  of  the  Council  of  the  West  Indies  were  pro- 
hibited; the  reading  of  Robertson's  popular  history  of 
America  was  forbidden  under  the  penalty  of  death ;  a  pub- 
lisher of  desirable  works,  presumably  without  the  license 
of  the  West  India  Council,  was  condemned  to  wear  the 
chains  of  the  dungeons  of  Cartagena ;  the  newspaper  press 
had  no  independent  voice;  South  American  commerce 
with  foreign  countries  was  carefully  guarded;  no  vessel 
was  allowed  to  sail  the  Spanish  Main  without  a  license 
from  the  foreign  court;  the  South  Americans  were  not 
allowed  to  make  any  contract  with  foreigners,  either  to  sell 
or  to  buy,  without  the  approval  of  the  Spanish  courts; 
no  one  was  allowed  to  visit  America  without  the  royal 
permission,  under  the  penalty  of  death  ;  in  1 706  the  Royal 
Audiencia  of  Peru  published  a  law  that  no  Indian  should 
be  allowed  to  have  stores  or  to  trade,  for  the  reason  that 
such  industries  put  the  native  population  on  a  social  level 
with  Spanish  merchants. 

But  not  only  were  Americans  forbidden  to  trade  with 
foreign  nations;  they  were  forbidden  to  engage  in  traffic 
between  the  provinces.  The  tyrant's  hand  was  laid  also 
upon  the  products  of  the  fields.  Here  was  prohibited  the 
planting  of  vines  and  olives,  there  the  sowing  of  flax ;  in 
one  place  the  export  of  wines,  almonds  and  raisins,  in 
another  place  the  building  of  mills.  The  Spanish  grandee 


THE    EVENT   OF  JULY   4  47 

controlled  everything  in  the  interests  of  the  throne  of  the 
Peninsula. 

The  church  was  as  intolerant  as  the  government.  It 
has  been  quite  common  for  Protestant  writers  to  depict  in 
vivid  colors  this  form  of  intolerance,  themselves  forgetting 
the  ecclesiastical  bigotry  and  crimes  of  the  days  of  Calvin 
in  Geneva  and  of  Mather  in  New  England.  There  are, 
however,  few  chapters  of  horrors  in  the  world's  history 
that  can  equal  that  of  the  Spanish  Inquisition  of  Mexico, 
Cartagena  and  Peru.  It  would  be  a  painful  task  to  de- 
pict the  tortures  inflicted  upon  helpless  people  by  it  for 
obeying  the  laws  which  God  has  written  in  every  soul. 
Apart  from  these  merciless  tortures,  into  which  entered  the 
spirit  that  animates  the  bull-fight,  and  which  gratified  the 
most  inhuman  and  unchristian  instincts,  the  general  pur- 
pose of  the  ecclesiastical  rule  was  to  forbid  any  freedom  of 
thought  or  of  personal  rights. 

Few  South  Americans  ever  rose  to  public  office.  Out 
of  one  hundred  and  sixty  viceroys,  only  four  were  not  Span- 
ish. Of  minor  offices  a  similar  statement  would  be  true. 

The  taxed  tea,  the  stamped  paper,  and  like  injustices 
that  led  to  the  Revolution  in  North  America  were  light 
matters  indeed  when  compared  with  what  the  colonies  of 
the  palm-lands  suffered  from  three  centuries  of  Spanish 
rule.  The  cause  of  Samuel  Adams  was  a  just  one,  but 
that  of  Bolivar  was  a  necessity  to  the  existence  of  any 
personal  liberty. 

The  motion  that  voiced  the  resolution  of  the  Patriotic 
Society  of  July  4  was  made  in  the  Sovereign  Congress  of 
Venezuela,  and  was  adopted.  Venezuela  had  followed 
the  example  of  Switzerland,  of  Holland,  of  the  United 
States  of  North  America,  and  was  free. 

Jefferson's  sublime  preamble  to  the  Declaration  of  In- 
dependence, beginning,  "When  in  the  course  of  human 


48  SOUTH   AMERICA 

events,"  and  declaring  that  "  all  men  are  created  free  and 
equal,"  is  matched  by  the  words  with  which  the  new  dec- 
laration begins.  We  quote  this  powerful  state  paper  in 
part,  following  the  translation  of  Larrazabal : 

"  In  the  name  of  the  all-powerful  God : 

"We,  the  representatives  of  the  United  Provinces  of 
Caracas,  Cumana,  Varinas,  Margarita,  Barcelona,  Merida 
and  Truxillo,  forming  the  American  Federation  of  Ven- 
ezuela, in  the  south  continent,  in  Congress  assembled, 
considering  the  full  and  absolute  possession  of  our  rights, 
which  we  recovered  justly  and  legally,  from  the  igth  of 
April,  1810,  in  consequence  of  the  occurrences  in  Bayona, 
and  the  occupation  of  the  Spanish  throne  by  conquest, 
and  the  succession  of  a  new  dynasty,  constituted  without 
our  consent,  are  desirous,  before  we  make  use  of  the 
rights  of  which  we  have  been  deprived  by  force  for  more 
than  three  ages,  but  now  restored  to  us  by  the  political 
order  of  human  events,  to  make  known  to  the  world  the 
reasons  that  have  emanated  from  these  same  occurrences, 
and  which  authorize  us  to  the  free  use  we  are  about  to 
make  of  our  sovereignty. 

"  We  do  not  wish,  nevertheless,  to  begin  by  alleging  the 
rights,  inherent  in  every  conquered  country,  to  recover  its 
state  of  property  and  independence.*  we  generously  for- 
get the  long  series  of  ills,  injuries  and  privations,  which 
the  sad  right  of  conquest  has  caused  to  all  the  descendants 
of  the  discoverers,  conquerors  and  settlers  of  these  coun- 
tries, plunged  into  a  worse  state  by  the  very  same  cause 
that  ought  to  have  favored  them  ;  and,  drawing  a  veil  over 
the  three  hundred  years  of  Spanish  domain  in  America,  we 
will  now  only  present  to  view  the  authentic  and  well-known 
facts  which  ought  to  have  wrested  from  one  world  the  right 
over  the  other,  by  the  disorder  and  conquest  that  have 
already  dissolved  the  Spanish  nation. 


THE    EVENT   OF   JULY   4  49 

"  Always  deaf  to  the  cries  of  justice  on  our  part,  the 
governments  of  Spain  have  endeavored  to  discredit  all  our 
efforts,  by  declaring  as  criminal,  and  stamping  with  infamy, 
and  rewarding  with  the  scaffold  and  confiscation  every 
attempt  which,  at  different  periods,  some  Americans  have 
made  for  the  felicity  of  their  country ;  as  was  that  which 
lately  our  own  security  dictated  to  us,  that  we  might  not 
be  drawn  into  a  state  of  disorder  which  we  foresaw,  and 
hurried  to  that  horrid  fate  which  we  are  about  to  remove 
forever  from  before  us.  By  means  of  atrocious  policy, 
they  have  succeeded  in  making  our  brethren  insensible  to 
our  misfortunes;  in  arming  them  against  us;  in  erasing 
from  their  bosoms  the  sweet  impressions  of  friendship,  of 
consanguinity,  and  converting  into  enemies  a  part  of  our 
own  great  family. 

"  At  a  time  that  we,  faithful  to  our  promise,  were  sac- 
rificing our  security  and  civil  dignity  not  to  abandon  the 
rights  which  we  generously  presented  to  Ferdinand  of 
Bourbon,  we  have  seen  that,  to  the  relations  of  force  which 
bound  him  to  the  Emperor  of  the  French,  he  has  added 
the  ties  of  blood  and  friendship,  in  consequence  of  which 
even  the  governments  of  Spain  have  already  declared 
their  resolution  to  acknowledge  him  conditionally. 

"  In  this  mournful  alternative,  we  have  remained  three 
years  in  a  state  of  political  indecision  and  ambiguity,  so 
fatal  and  dangerous  that  this  alone  would  suffice  to  au- 
thorize the  resolution  which  the  faith  of  our  promises  and 
bonds  of  fraternity  had  caused  us  to  defer  till  necessity 
was  obliged  to  go  beyond  what  we  at  first  proposed,  im- 
pelled by  the  hostile  and  unnatural  conduct  of  the  govern- 
ments of  Spain,  which  have  disburdened  us  from  our  con- 
ditional oath,  by  which  circumstance  we  are  called  to  the 
august  representation  we  now  exercise. 

"  But  we,  who  glory  in  grounding  our  proceedings  on 


50  SOUTH   AMERICA 

better  principles,  and  not  wishing  to  establish  our  felicity 
on  the  misfortunes  of  our  fellow-beings,  do  consider  and 
declare  as  friends,  companions  of  our  fate,  and  participa- 
tors of  our  felicity,  those  who,  united  to  us  by  the  ties  of 
blood,  language  and  religion,  have  suffered  the  same  evils 
in  the  anterior  order  of  things,  provided  they  acknowledge 
our  absolute  independence  of  the  same,  and  of  any  other 
foreign  power  whatever;  that  they  aid  to  sustain  it  with 
their  lives,  fortunes  and  sentiments ;  declaring  and  ac- 
knowledging them  (as  well  as  any  other  nation),  in  war, 
enemies ;  in  peace,  friends,  brothers  and  compatriots. 

"  In  consequence  of  all  these  solid,  public  and  incontes- 
table reasons  of  policy,  which  so  powerfully  urge  the  ne- 
cessity of  recovering  our  national  dignity,  restored  to  us  by 
the  order  of  events;  and  in  compliance  with  the  impre- 
scriptible rights  enjoyed  by  nations  to  destroy  every  pact, 
agreement  or  association  which  does  not  answer  the  pur- 
pose for  which  governments  were  established,  we  believe 
that  we  cannot,  and  ought  not,  preserve  the  bonds  which 
hitherto  have  kept  us  united  to  the  governments  of  Spain  ; 
and  that,  like  all  other  nations  of  the  world,  we  are  free, 
and  authorized  not  to  depend  on  any  other  authority  than 
our  own,  and  to  take  among  the  powers  of  the  earth  the 
place  of  equality  which  the  Supreme  Being  of  nature  as- 
signed to  us,  and  to  which  we  are  called  by  the  succession 
of  human  events,  and  urged  by  our  own  good  and  utility. 

"  Notwithstanding  we  are  aware  of  the  difficulties  that 
attend,  and  the  obligations  imposed  upon  us,  by  the  rank 
we  are  about  to  take  in  the  political  order  of  the  world, 
as  well  as  the  powerful  influence  of  forms  and  habitudes  to 
which  unfortunately  we  have  been  accustomed,  we,  at  the 
same  time,  know  that  shameful  submission  to  them,  when 
we  can  throw  them  off,  would  be  still  more  ignominious  to 
us,  and  more  fatal  to  our  posterity,  than  our  long  and 


THE   EVENT   OF  JULY   4  51 

painful  slavery ;  and  that  it  now  becomes  an  indispensable 
duty  to  provide  for  our  own  preservation,  security  and 
felicity,  by  essentially  varying  all  the  forms  of  our  former 
constitution. 

"  In  consequence  whereof,  considering,  by  the  reasons 
thus  alleged,  that  we  have  satisfied  the  respect  which  we 
owe  to  the  opinion  of  the  human  race  and  the  dignity  of 
other  nations,  in  the  number  of  whom  we  are  about  to 
enter,  and  on  whose  communication  and  friendship  we 
rely: 

"  We,  the  representatives  of  the  United  Provinces  of 
Venezuela,  calling  on  the  Supreme  Being  to  witness  the 
justice  of  our  proceedings  and  the  rectitude  of  our  inten- 
tions, do  implore  his  divine  and  celestial  help ;  and  ratify- 
ing, at  the  moment  in  which  we  are  born  to  the  dignity 
which  his  providence  restores  to  us,  the  desire  we  have 
of  living  and  dying  free,  and  of  believing  and  defending 
the  Holy  Catholic  and  Apostolic  Religion  of  Jesus  Christ ; 
we,  therefore,  in  the  name  and  by  the  will  and  authority 
which  we  hold  for  the  virtuous  people  of  Venezuela,  do 
declare  solemnly  to  the  world  that  its  United  Provinces 
are,  and  ought  to  be  from  this  day,  by  act  and  right, 
free,  sovereign  and  independent  states;  and  that  they  are 
absolved  from  every  submission  and  dependence  on  the 
throne  of  Spain,  or  on  those  who  do  or  may  call  them- 
selves its  agents  and  representatives ;  and  that  a  free  and 
independent  state,  thus  constituted,  has  full  power  to  take 
that  form  of  government  which  may  be  conformable  to 
the  general  wish  of  the  people;  to  declare  war,  make 
peace,  form  alliances,  regulate  treaties  of  commerce,  limits 
and  navigation,  and  to  do  and  transact  every  act  in  like 
manner  as  other  free  and  independent  states.  And  that 
this  our  solemn  declaration  may  be  held  valid,  firm  and 
durable,  we  hereby  mutually  bind  each  province  to  the 


52  SOUTH   AMERICA 

other,  and  pledge  our  lives,  fortunes,  and  the  sacred  tie  of 
our  national  honor. 

"  Done  in  the  Federal  Palace  of  Caracas,  signed  by  our 
own  hands,  sealed  with  the  Great  Provincial  Seal  of  the 
Confederation,  and  countersigned  by  the  Secretary  of 
Congress,  this  fifth  day  of  July,  181 1,  the  first  of  our  inde- 
pendence." 

On  the  same,  the  ever-memorable  5th  of  July,  the  Con- 
gress adopted  the  tricolor  flag  of  Miranda  as  the  emblem 
of  the  new  liberty. 

The  next  day  the  sun  of  liberty  rose  on  the  Maritime 
Andes,  and  upon  a  people  who  had  begun  the  emancipa- 
tion of  the  meridional  world. 

The  sublime  words  with  which  the  first  declaration  of 
independence  of  a  South  American  province  opens  and 
closes  breathe  the  high  patriotism  of  the  Continental  Con- 
gress of  North  America.  They  have  a  tone  of  reverence, 
a  sense  of  the  Divine  Providence,  and  a  faith  in  the  Su- 
preme Ruler  of  the  cause.  They  read  like  a  prophet's 
inspiration.  Only  a  sense  of  the  grandeur  and  magni- 
tude of  the  event  could  have  inspired  them. 


CHAPTER  VI 

THE  EARTHQUAKE  AT  CARACAS— AN  HEROIC  EPISODE 
— MONTEVERDE— THE  UNLOCKED  DOOR— THE- FAIL- 
URE OF  MIRANDA 

TO  use  a  figure  in  the  Manifesto  of  Caracas,  Venezuela 
had  arisen  from  the  dust  and  cast  off  -her  chains. 
But  the  Sovereign  Congress  ami  its  generals  had  to  deal 
with  an  ignorant  and  superstitious  people.  Some  of  the 
priests  were  patriots,  and  had  the  spirit  of  the  great 
Mexican  emancipator  Hidalgo ;  but,  as  a  rule,  they  fojlowed 
the  fortunes  of  the  deposed  monarch  Ferdinand  VII. 

The  people,  as  previously  stated,  were  superstitious. 
Of  the  danger  lying  in  that  direction  young  Bolivar  re- 
ceived warning.  "  If  any  misfortune  should  suddenly 
fall  upon  the  people,  it  would  be  attributed  to  God, 
as  a  judgment  upon  the  people  for  proclaiming  the 
independence,"  was  the  voice  of  apprehension.  Bolivar 
felt  its  force. 

In  beautiful  Caracas  all  was  prosperous  and  tranquil; 
there  were  no  sickness,  no  calamities,  no  alarming  revolts. 
The  first  days  of  freedom  came  and  went  in  unexampled 
serenity.  There  was  dissent  as  to  what  had  been  done; 
there  were  disturbances  in  one  of  the  provinces;  but  the 
new  republic,  as  a  whole,  seemed  starting  out  on  a  march 
of  security,  prosperity  and  peace.  The  patriots,  notwith- 

*  53 


54  SOUTH    AMERICA 

standing,  felt  the  force  of  the  warning,  "  If  there  should 
come  a  calamity!" 

Venezuela  now  prepared  a  federal  constitution,  and  as- 
signed to  Miranda  the  command  of  her  army.  Thus  he 
whom  Bolivar,  in  his  magnanimity,  had  induced  to  return 
to  his  native  city  of  Caracas,  and  who  had  entered  that 
city  by  Bolivar's  side,  amid  the  acclamations  of  the  people, 
and  found  a  place  in  his  home,  was  now  in  a  position  to 
realize  the  dreams  that  had  haunted  his  imagination  for 
years. 

The  constitution  was  a  glorious  document.  It  was  de- 
voted to  justice,  to  equal  rights.  It  gave  to  man  his 
birthright ;  to  him  who  would  make  for  himself  a  home 
and  a  name,  a  field  of  labor ;  and  to  him  who  toiled,  his 
dues.  It  sounded  the  call  to  welfare  and  wealth,  to  honor, 
and  not  titled  vanity.  Personal  liberty  was  granted  to  all. 
The  enjoyment  of  property  was  made  universal.  No  one 
could  be  despoiled  of  the  labors  of  his  hands.  Torture 
was  abolished.  The  Holy  Inquisition  was  suppressed. 
Titles  of  nobility  were  abrogated.  The  slave-trade  was 
condemned.  The  new  era  was  to  begin  in  the  brother- 
hood of  man. 

At  this  time  there  arrived  at  Porto  Rico  an  ambitious 
and  cruel  adventurer  by  the  name  of  Domingo  Monteverde, 
a  native  of  Orotava  in  Teneriffe.  He  was  a  man  of  little 
education,  a  seeker  after  fame.  He  earnestly  espoused 
the  cause  of  Ferdinand  VII.  in  America.  He  attained  the 
position  of  field-marshal  in  the  royal  army.  He  landed 
in  Venezuela,  invaded  Carora,  and  there  defeated  the 
patriots.  He  resolved  to  make  himself  the  leader  of  the 
cause  of  Ferdinand  VII.  against  the  insurgent  provinces. 

The  first  year  of  the  independence  was  passing.  It  was 
spring  in  the  Andes.  The  Easter  festival  was  approach- 
ing, when  the  joyous  bells  would  ring  out.  Holy  Thurs- 


/        THE  EARTHQUAKE  AT  CARACAS         55 

day,  the  26th  of  March,  arrived.  There  was  a  vaporous 
stillness  in  the  air,  on  the  earth,  and  over  the  sea.  The 
sun  shone  as  in  a  veil  of  shadow ;  the  birds  screamed  in 
the  air,  and  lifted  their  wings  uneasily.  The  heat  was  in- 
tolerable. Noonday  brought  a  calm  that  was  oppressive, 
with  a  sky  brilliant  and  transparent.  Drops  of  rain  fell, 
but  there  was  no  visible  cloud  in  the  sky.  ,In  the  silence 
and  fiery  light  something  seemed  to  be  impending.  In 
the  middle  of  the  afternoon,  despite  the  heat,  and  the 
strange  drops  of  rain,  and  the  oppressive  atmosphere,  the 
churches  were  thronged  with  people.  Four  o'clock  was 
the  vesper  hour.  The  following  day  would  be  Good  Fri- 
day ;  it  was  almost  the  close  of  the  penitential  days  of  Lent. 
At  seven  minutes  past  four,  when  the  solemn  services  in 
the  church  were  beginning,  the  earth  seemed  to  reel. 
There  was  a  fearful  crash)  followed  by  a  deep  sound  as  of 
thunder.  It  came  not  from  the  sky,  but  from  the  caverns 
below.  The  people  started  up.  What  was  happening? 
Where?  They  felt  their  feet  unsteady.  The  earth  was 
trembling,  and  in  the  tremor  buildings  were  crumbling, 
melting  away,  as,  it  were.  Pillars  and  towers  afforded  no 
protection.  They  were  not  dashed  down ;  they  crumbled. 

The  people  ran  hither  and  thither,  calling  on  Heaven 
for  mercy.  The  beasts  sought  the  caves.  Birds  screamed 
affrighted  in  the  air.  Many  were  buried  beneath  the  ruins. 
Some  ten  thousand  people  perished.  "  Caracas,"  says 
Humboldt,  "  sleeps  in  her  own  grave."  Not  only  Cara- 
cas crumbled  and  made  a  tomb  for  her  people,  but  La 
Guayra,  Merida  and  other  towns  were  destroyed.  The 
town  of  San  Felipe  totally  disappeared.  Its  houses,  public 
buildings  and  inhabitants  were  never  seen  again. 

The  people  who  survived  fled  to  the  fields,  and  wan- 
dered about,  lamenting  and  praying.  No  one  knew  who 
of  his  family  or  friends  was  left  him.  In  a  moment  all 


56  SOUTH   AMERICA 

had  been  changed.  The  people  who  fled  looked  up  to 
the  sky  and  down  upon  the  heap  that  had  been  their 
beautiful  city. 

Where  was  Simon  Bolivar  amid  these  terrible  and  ex- 
citing scenes?  He  was  among  the  survivors.  Did  he 
recall  the  warning,  "  If  any  misfortune  should  happen"? 
There  are  in  all  history  few  incidents  more  sublime  than 
the  conduct  and  the  words  of  the  fiery  and  undaunted 
patriot  in  the  early  evening  of  that  dreadful  day. 

We  will  describe  the  event  in  the  words  of  Diaz,  who 
was  not  friendly  to  Bolivar,  and  who  misinterpreted  his 
sublime  and  unparalleled  exclamation. 

"  To  that  inexplicable  noise,"  says  Diaz,  "  followed  the 
silence  of  death.  The  groans  of  the  dying  arose  from 
the  Church  of  San  Jacinto.  I  surmounted  the  ruins  of  the 
church,  and  entered  the  interior.  On  the  highest  spot  I 
met  Don  Simon  Bolivar.  He  was  in  his  shirt-sleeves,  en- 
gaged in  the  search  for  the  living  who  could  be  rescued. 
Terror  and  desperation  were  depicted  on  his  countenance. 
He  recognized  me,  and  addressed  to  me  the  following 
impious  and  extravagant  words :  '  If  nature  opposes  her- 
self y  we  will  wrestle  with  her,  and  compel  her  to  obey.' ' 

The  words  were  neither  "  impious  ."  nor  "  extravagant." 
They  were  the  cry  of  a  soul  whose  sense  of  justice  the 
earthquake  could  not  stifle.  Bolivar  knew  that  the  earth- 
quake was  but  a  natural  event,  and  one  that  had  no  moral 
significance. 

While  his  soul  thus  rose  in  a  grand  exhibition  of  the 
omnipotence  of  spiritual  power,  the  Plaza  was  wild  with 
cries  for  mercy.  Many  of  the  priests  took  advantage  of 
the  horror  of  the  hour.  Believing  as  they  did  that  Ferdi- 
nand VII.  was  the  Lord's  anointed,  they  believed  the 
convulsion  to  be  a  manifestation  of  the  divine  displeasure 
against  the  events  of  the  4th  and  5th  of  July  of  the  year 


BOLIVAR   AT   THE    EARTHQUAKE    OF    CARACAS. 


THE  EARTHQUAKE  AT  CARACAS         57 

that  had  passed.  The  ignorant  people,  knowing  not  what 
to  do  or  what  to  believe,  were  influenced  by  these  priests. 
They  began  to  lose  faith  in  their  leaders.  The  glory  of 
the  independence  became  a  lost  luster  before  Caracas  had 
celebrated  the  first  anniversary  of  her  freedom. 

This  was  a  dark  hour  for  Miranda.  Six  hundred  patriot 
soldiers  had  perished  in  the  barracks  at  Caracas.  Six 
hundred  more,  who  were  on  their  way  to  San  Felipe,  had 
been  swallowed  with  the  town.  Twelve  hundred  patriots 
during  a  review  at  Barquisimeto,  and  two  columns  who 
were  on  the  march,  had  disappeared  from  the  sight  of  the 
sun. 

Monteverde  perceived  his  opportunity  and  availed  him- 
self of  it.  He  had  a  triumphal  march,  bearing,  as  he  did 
the  banner  of  Ferdinand.  He  swept  nearly  everything 
before  him  from  Coro  to  Caracas.  He  took  possession 
of  Barquisimeto,  where  an  ecclesiastic,  by  preaching  from 
the  ruins,  had  prepared  the  people  for  his  coming.  Monte- 
verde's  army  grew;  his  armaments  increased.  He  was 
checked  temporarily,  but  he  entered  San  Carlos  in  triumph, 
and  sacked  the  city. 

On  April  4  another  earthquake  filled  the  country  with 
new  alarms.  The  royalists  were  strengthened  by  the 
terror  it  awakened. 

The  government  was  now  at  La  Victoria.  Miranda, 
who  had  been  made  generalissimo,  went  to  Caracas.  He 
there  met  Bolivar,  to  whom  he  gave  the  order :  "  Go 
immediately  to  Puerto  Cabello,  and  take  command  of  the 
fortress."  The  fortress  was  a  prison,  and  was  filled  with 
prisoners  of  war.  Bolivar  desired  a  different  appoint- 
ment— one  that  would  take  him  into  the  open  field.  He, 
however,  obeyed  the  command. 

On  May  I  Miranda  marched  out  of  the  ruined  city  of 
Caracas  against  Monteverde,  and  entered  upon  a  most  dis- 


58  SOUTH   AMERICA 

astrous  campaign.  He  had  under  his  command  twelve 
thousand  men.  His  antagonist  was  but  an  adventurer 
with  a  small  force,  but  the  people  had  lost  heart  through 
superstition.  Public  sentiment  had  turned  in  Monte- 
verde's  favor.  Miranda's  troops  began  to  lose  faith  in 
the  cause.  The  general's  heart  became  doubtful  of  final 
victory.  He  had  only  begun  his  march  against  the  enemy 
when  a  sound  as  of  battle  was  heard  in  the  air.  He 
ordered  his  army  to  halt.  The  sound  proceeded  from  an 
eruption  of  the  volcano  San  Vicente.  The  march  was  re- 
sumed, it  seemed,  under  an  evil  star.  His  men  began  to 
desert  him.  A  whole  company  of  men  under  Pedro  Ponce, 
a  Spaniard,  went  over  to  the  enemy.  Depression  of 
spirit  fell  upon  Miranda.  He  lost  faith  in  his  soldiers. 
He  lived  in  suspense.  He  knew  not  what  to  do.  He 
ceased  to  advance ;  he  retreated.  This  retreat  depressed 
still  further  the  spirits  of  his  followers.  He  took  up 
quarters  at  Maracay,  and  announced  that  his  campaign 
would  henceforth  be  defensive.  The  declaration  was  dis- 
piriting. He  had  made  for  himself  an  army  without  hearts. 
In  this  state  of  mind  he  retreated  to  La  Victoria.  Here 
he  was  surprised  by  Monteverde,  whom  he  repulsed.  He 
did  not  follow  up  his  advantage.  This  caused  him  to  fall 
under  the  displeasure  and  criticism  of  his  troops. 

At  La  Victoria  Miranda  received  a  message  from  Boli- 
var. "  Puerto  Cabello,"  it  said,  "  is  threatened,  and  there 
is  no  force  here  to  defend  it."  But  Miranda  made  no 
attempt  to  reinforce  the  fortress,  whicH  contained  military 
stores. 

On  the  3Oth  of  June  a  terrible  disaster  to  the  republican 
cause  occurred  at  Puerto  Cabello.  A  temporary  com- 
mander of  the  prison  set  the  prisoners  at  liberty,  formed 
of  them,  with  deserters,  a  force  of  royalists,  and  raised  the 
Spanish  flag.  The  fortress  commanded  the  harbor  and 


THE   FAILURE  OF  MIRANDA  59 

the  city.  It  turned  its  guns  on  both,  and  compelled  both 
to  surrender. 

Bolivar  had  but  a  small  force  now  left  to  him.  He  at- 
tempted the  defense  of  the  city  with  forty  men.  Even 
these  in  part  deserted  him.  The  news  came  flying  to 
the  port  that  the  victorious  Monteverde  was  marching 
toward  the  city.  There  was. nothing  for  Bolivar  to  do  but 
to  surrender  or  fly.  He  secured  a  brig,  and  sailed  to  La 
Guayra.  This  was  on  the  5th  of  July,  just  one  year  from 
the  glorious  day  on  which  had  been  proclaimed  to  the 
world  the  independence  of  Venezuela. 

Miranda's  nerves  were  now  more  unstrung  than  ever. 
Every  one  seemed  to  distrust  him.  In  this  time  of  dis- 
tress a  new  terror  seized  the  people.  An  army  of  liber- 
ated slaves  from  the  provinces  was  marching  upon  Caracas. 

In  the  thickening  clouds  of  misfortunes — the  earth- 
quake, the  volcanic  flames,  the  victories  of  Monteverde, 
the  failure  of  the  hearts  of  the  soldiers,  the  loss  of  Puerto 
Cabello — there  came  to  the  shaken  and  irresolute  Miranda 
one  Don  Antonio  Fernandez  de  Leon,  Marquis  de  Casa 
Leon,  a  reputed  patriot  from  Caracas.  "  You  see  the 
situation  of  affairs,"  he  said  to  Miranda — "  shattered 
Caracas  threatened  with  invasion,  the  fort  of  Puerto 
Cabello  in  the  hands  of  the  enemy,  the  people  disheartened 
by  the  misfortunes  of  the  earthquake.  It  is  useless  for  us 
to  oppose  the  royal  arms.  The  time  has  come  to  end  this 
war  among  brothers  by  an  honorable  peace." 

Peace !  It  would  bring  to  an  end  the  achievements  of 
the  republic.  It  would  bring  Miranda  under  suspicion  of 
treason.  Miranda  pondered.  He  hesitated.  These  min- 
utes were  the  turning-point  of  his  life.  Casa  Leon  followed 
up  his  advice.  "  As  for  you,  I  will  supply  you  with  the 
means  of  living  in  a  foreign  country."  But  what  would  life 
in  any  country  be  under  the  suspicions  that  would  fall  upon 


60  SOUTH    AMERICA 

him  after  such  a  surrender?  The  old  man  remained 
thoughtful.  The  spell  of  his  melancholy  was  evidently 
upon  him.  It  was  a  spectacle  pitiable  to  behold.  "  I  will 
myself,"  said  Casa  Leon,  "  go  to  General  Monteverde  and 
arrange  all  the  terms.  You  must  decide  at  once;  the 
moments  are  flying."  A  great  conflict  was  going  on  in 
Miranda's  weakened  mind.  "  I  am  willing,"  he  said  at 
last.  Fatal  words !  He  never  saw  a  happy  moment  again. 

Miranda  seems  to  have  looked  upon  Bolivar  as  a  traitor 
for  the  loss  of  Puerto  Cabello.  Bolivar  believed  Miranda 
to  be  a  traitor  from  the  hour  that  he  heard  that  Miranda 
had  consented  to  make  a  treaty  with  Monteverde.  Both 
were  mistaken.  It  was  now  only  a  little  more  than  a 
year  and  a  half  since  the  two,  amid  the  vivas  of  the  peo- 
ple, entered  Caracas  together  (December,  1810).  At  that 
time  they  were  ardent  friends,  the  young  man  and  the  old. 

Monteverde  wrote  to  Miranda,  proffering  terms  of  peace. 
Miranda  sent  the  letter  to  Congress,  then  in  session  at 
La  Victoria.  Congress  gave  to  Miranda  the  authority  to 
treat  with  the  Spanish  general.  As  a  result,  a  treaty  was 
concluded  July  29,  1812,  in  which  it  was  stipulated,  among 
other  things :  "  That  the  constitution  presented  by  the 
Cortes  to  the  Spaniards  should  be  accepted  by  Venezuela. 
That  no  person  should  be  prosecuted  for  his  political 
opinions." 

Thus  the  republic  was  for  the  tiniejiestroyed,  and  Cara- 
cas, the  theater  of  thrilling  events,  fell  again  under  the 
domain  of  Spain. 

On  July  30,  1812,  Miranda  arrived  at  La  Guayra,  a 
fallen  man.  He  was  criticized  by  all  the  patriots.  He 
was  as  one  who  had  shattered  the  fabrics  of  his  visions 
with  his  own  hands.  He  found  at  La  Guayra  a  company 
of  patriots,  and  among  them  Simon  Bolivar.  The  question 
arose  among  these  patriots,  Would  it  not  be  for  the  inter- 


THE    FAILURE   OF   MIRANDA  6 1 

est  of  the  new  treaty  to  hold  Miranda  here  ?  The  old  man 
arrived  in  the  afternoon,  fatigued  by  the  intense  heat.  The 
ship  was  waiting  for  him.  The  patriots  invited  him  to  stay 
to  supper,  and  to  remain  on  shore  overnight.  "  No,"  said 
the  captain  of  the  ship  to  Miranda ;  "  it  is  for  your  interest 
to  go  on  board  to-night."  "You  are  too  tired  to  go  on 
board  the  vessel  now.  The  land-breeze  will  not  arise  until 
morning,"  said  the  patriots.  "  I  will  spend  the  night  on 
shore,"  said  Miranda,  whose  wits  seem  to  have  gone.  The 
captain  of  the  ship  shook  his  head.  The  supper  was  pre- 
pared. At  the  table  sat  Bolivar,  with  other  ^patriotic 
leaders,  among  them  Colonel  Manuel  Maria  Casas,  the 
military  commandant,  at  whose  house  he  was  entertained. 

In  the  house  was  a  closet  that  could  not  be  locked. 
Colonel  Casas  ordered  that  a  bed  be  prepared  for  the  old 
man  in  that  closet.  Miranda  retired  early.  The  patriots 
sat  down  to  consider  the  consequence  to  the  treaty  should 
they  allow  him  to  depart.  They  decided  that  it  would  be 
for  the  interest  of  the  country  to  arrest  him.  General 
H.  L.  v.  Ducoudray-Holstein,  who  was  an  enemy  to  Boli- 
var, thus  describes  the  pitiable  scene  of  the  early  morning, 
in  the  closet  that  could  not  be  locked : 

"  Miranda  was  arrested  in  the  following  manner.  Hav- 
ing ascertained  that  the  general  was  sound  asleep,  the 
three  leaders,  after  a  short  consultation,  determined  to 
seize  him  that  night,  and  give  him  up  to  the  Spanish  com- 
mandant Monteverde.  Casas,  as  military  commandant  at 
La  Guayra,  ordered  a  strong  detachment  from  the  principal 
guard.  This  detachment  he  commanded  to  surround  his 
own  house  in  perfect  silence,  to  suffer  no  one  to  pass,  and 
to  kill  any  one  who  attempted  to  escape.  Not  a  word 
was  said  of  Miranda.  When  all  was  ready,  Pefia,  Casas 
and  Bolivar,  at  two  o'clock  in  the  morning,  with  four 
armed  soldiers,  entered  the  unlocked  room  of  General 


62  SOUTH    AMERICA 

Miranda.  He  was  in  a  profound  sleep.  They  seized  his 
sword  and  pistols,  which  he  had  placed  before  him.  They 
then  awakened  him,  and  abruptly  told  him  to  rise  and 
dress  quickly,  and  follow  them.  Miranda,  in  surprise, 
asked  them  why  they  awakened  him  at  such  an  early 
hour,  it  being  not  yet  daylight.  Instead  of  answering  the 
question,  they  told  him  he  was  a  traitor,  who  deserved  to 
be  hanged. 

"  Miranda,  unable  to  resist,  dressed  himself,  and  was 
forced  to  follow.  They  escorted  him  to  the  fort  called  San 
Carlos,  at  some  distance  from  La  Guayra,  and  situated  upon 
a  strong  hill,  where  he  arrived,  exhausted  from  fatigue 
and  chagrin.  Having  borne  all  the  invectives  they  chose 
to  load  him  with  on  the  road,  which  he  was  obliged  to 
walk,  as  soon  as  they  were  come  to  the  fort  they  ordered 
him  to  be  put  in  irons,  and  notwithstanding  his  pathetic 
and  fervent  expostulations,  he  was  locked  in  one  of  the 
darkest  dungeons,  and  treated  like  the  vilest  criminal. 

"  The  three  chiefs  returned,  with  their  guard,  to  La  Guayra, 
and  the  same  night  despatched  an  express  with  a  letter 
to  the  Spanish  general  Monteverde,  informing  him  of  the 
arrest  of  Miranda.  This  commander  was  surprised  at  the 
intelligence.  Instead  of  ordering  the  immediate  release 
of  Miranda,  and  so  preserving  inviolate  the  faith  of  his  own 
treaty,  he  received  the  news  with  his  accustomed  indiffer- 
ence and  apathy,  and  took  no  step  in  favor  of  Miranda,  or 
against  him. 

"  The  day  after  Miranda's  arrest,  a  Spanish  column  arrived 
in  the  fort  of  San  Carlos,  to  relieve  the  independents. 
Its  commander  was  surprised  to  find  Miranda  in  irons,  and 
sent  him  immediately,  with  an  escort,  back  to  La  Guayra, 
where  he  was  again  shut  up  in  a  dark,  mephitic  prison 
in  one  of  the  walls  of  this  place,  where  he  remained  in 
irons  during  several  months,  The  Spanish  commandant 


THE   FAILURE  OF  MIRANDA  63 

Don  Francisco  Xavier  Cerveres,  who  had  relieved  the 
patriot  commander  Casas,  gave  orders  to  send  Miranda 
back  to  Porto  Rico.  He  was  thence  transported  to  Cadiz, 
where  he  remained  in  irons,  in  the  fort  of  La  Caraca,  for 
some  years,  and  perished. 

"  Such  was  the  miserable  end  of  General  Miranda. 
Without  entering  into  any  political  controversy,  without 
inquiring  whether  Miranda  was  a  traitor  to  his  country 
(which  well-informed  men  affirm  not  to  have  been  the 
case),  history  will  demand  what  right  Dr.  Miguel  Pena, 
Don  Maria  Casas  and  Simon  Bolivar  had  to  arrest  their 
former  chief  and  superior.  That  they  did  so  without 
order,  information  or  participation  of  the  Spanish  gen- 
eral-in-chief  Domingo  Monteverde,  is  an  undoubted  fact." 

Larrazabal  thus  describes  Miranda's  arrest: 

"  Bolivar  was  at  La  Guayra  when  the  generalissimo 
arrived  at  that  port.  It  was  about  seven  o'clock  of  the 
evening  of  the  3Oth  of  July. 

"  Afterward  many  of  the  officers  arrived,  flying  from 
the  persecution  they  justly  feared;  and  it  was  divulged 
(which  unfortunately  was  true)  that  Miranda  had  con- 
cealed his  voyage,  and  that,  in  Caracas,  he  had  told  them 
that  they  could  retire  to  their  homes,  abandoning  them 
to  the  most  cruel  suspense.  The  irregularity  and  uncer- 
tainty with  which  the  capitulation  was  passed  through, 
the  confused  dissolution  of  the  army,  and  the  ignorance 
of  the  terms  of  the  agreement,  gave  sufficient  ground  to 
judge  wrongly  of  the  acts  of  the  dictator,  and  to  make 
them  suspicious  of  him ;  and  the  exaltation  of  their  minds 
counseled  them  toward  taking  the  violent  measures  which 
their  mutual  unhappy  fate  justified. 

"  Immediately  after  the  arrival  of  the  generalissimo  at 
La  Guayra,  Captain  Haynes  came  on  land.  Miranda, 
wearied  by  his  fatigues  and  the  heat  of  the  day,  was 


64  SOUTH    AMERICA 

reposing.  Afterward  he  seated  himself  at  the  table,  being 
present  Manuel  Maria  Casas,  military  commander,  who 
had  accompanied  him,  the  Dr.  Miguel  Pena,  civil  and 
political  governor,  the  Dr.  Pedro  Gual,  and  others. 
While  at  the  table,  it  was  talked  of  that  Miranda  should 
remain  on  the  land  for  that  night,  it  being  too  late  already 
for  him  to  embark.  Haynes  insisted,  saying  that  on  board 
the  commodities  were  plentiful  enough  for  the  general. 
Notwithstanding  this,  as  nothing  needed  such  a  ridiculous 
precipitation,  Miranda  consented  to  remain  until  the  follow- 
ing morning.  Haynes  left,  visibly  disgusted. 

"  That  same  night  secretly  assembled  the  Dr.  Miguel 
Pena,  Manuel  Maria  Casas,  the  Colonels  Simon  Bolivar, 
Juan  Paz  del  Castillo,  Jose  Mires  and  Jose  Cortes ;  the 
Commandants  Tomas  Montilla,  Rafael  Chatillon,  Miguel 
Carabano,  Rafael  Castillo,  Jose  Landaeta,  who  com- 
manded the  garrison,  and  Juan  Jose  Valdez,  sergeant- 
major  of  the  Plaza.  They  spoke  of  the  conduct  of  the 
generalissimo,  who  was  remiss  in  his  duties,  abandoning 
the  defense  of  his  country  when  all  predicted  victory ;  that 
he  had  submitted  them  shamefully  to  the  chains  and  re- 
venge of  Spain.  They  blamed  his  conduct,  and  resented 
the  insulting  replies  which  at  table  he  had  given  to  the 
Dr.  Gual  and  to  the  Colonel  Castillo,  when,  in  a  friendly 
manner,  they  asked  explanations  upon  the  treaty  of  capit- 
ulation. ...  It  is  unnecessary  to  say  that  Bolivar  sur- 
passed them  all  in  his  warmth,  because  he  who  had 
spoken  to  the  Minister  Wellesley  of  independence  in  1810, 
and  who  in  Rome,  in  advance  of  all  purposes  and  hopes, 
swore  for  it  on  the  Monte  Sacro  in  1805,  could  ill  brook 
the  disastrous  idea  of  a  new  slavery. 

"  Indignant,  then,  at  the  treasons  (as  they  named  them) 
of  Miranda,  they  deliberated  to  detain  him,  because  they 
judged  that,  once  on  board,  he  would  not  ratify  the 


THE    FAILURE   OF    MIRANDA  65 

capitulation,  leaving  the  patriots  strongly  compromised, 
and  the  only  hope  of  a  less  unhappy  fate  disappearing. 
They  wished  to  oblige  him  to  sanction  with  his  signature 
that  important  document,  which  was  the  safeguard  of 
their  lives  and  property.  The  pressure  of  the  moment,  in 
an  affair  of  such  transcendental  importance,  did  not  permit 
them  to  reflect  clearly  and  calmly,  because,  if  Miranda  had 
not  ratified  the  agreement,  of  what  value  was  the  signa- 
ture of  Miranda  to  Monteverde,  being  given  in  a  prison, 
where  he  was  placed  by  his  own  friends  and  subordinates? 
This  consideration  was  evident ;  but  they  were  irritated, 
and  did  not  understand  anything  within  the  limits  of 
reason.  ...  It  was  all,  at  the  time,  surprise  and  conster- 
nation. At  the  bottom  of  all  these  were  errors,  incon- 
sistencies, abandon.  With  Bolivar,  Montilla  and  their 
ardent  companions,  all  was  passion.  Passion  dictated 
their  resolutions. 

"  '  Male  cuncta  ministrat 
Impetus.' 

(STATIUS,  Thebaid,  x.) 

"  For  the  execution  of  that  project,  which  should  result 
so  lamentably,  withom  contributing  in  any  manner  to  the 
bettering  of  the  country,  the  services  were  combined  as 
follows:  Casas  (in  whose  house  was  accommodated  the 
old  man,  sleeping  in  an  unlocked  room)  should  place  him-  \  i 

self  at  the  head  of  the  troops  in  the  castle  of  Colorado; 
Valdez  should  surround  the  house  in  which  Miranda  slept 
with  a  body  of  men;  Bolivar,  Chatillon  and  Montilla 
should  take  possession  of  his  person,  either  willingly  or  by 
force ;  Mires  was  to  receive  and  guard  him  in  the  castillo. 
All  was  executed  as  was  disposed;  and  at  three  o'clock 
in  the  morning  of  the  3 1st  of  July,  Miranda  was  a  prisoner. 

"  He  was  plunged  in  a  profound  sleep  when  he  was 


66  SOUTH   AMERICA 

awakened  by  those  charged  to  capture  him.  '  Is  it  not 
too  early  ? '  he  inquired,  thinking  that  he  was  called  up  to 
embark.  His  astonishment  was  unspeakable  when  he 
found  he  was  a  prisoner.  Thoughtful  and  resigned,  he 
silently  followed  his  conductors,  without  proffering  any 
complaint  or  resistance." 

Unhappy  Miranda!  The  rest  of  his  life  was  passed  in 
dungeons,  prisons  and  chains.  They  took  him  to  Puerto 
Cabello,  thence  to  Porto  Rico,  and  thence  to  Cadiz,  Spain. 

"  I  have  seen  the  nobleman,"  said  a  British  officer,  "  tied 
to  a  wall,  with  a  chain  about  his  neck,  neither  more  nor 
less  than  a  dog." 

Death  came  to  relieve  him  of  his  melancholy  and 
miseries  on  the  morning  of  July  14,  1816.  He  was  not 
a  traitor ;  he  was  a  man  who  failed  to  fulfil  his  ideals. 
Amid  the  hurry  of  events  he  had  been  misjudged,  and 
amid  the  same  swiftly  shifting  scenes  Bolivar  himself  had 
sought  to  act  for  the  good  of  the  whole  people. 

Had  Miranda,  with  his  twelve  thousand  patriots,  marched 
directly  against  the  small  forces  of  the  adventurer  Monte- 
verde,  he  could  have  destroyed  them  and  made  the  re- 
public secure.  He  could  easily  have  cut  off  the  Spanish 
general  from  retreat.  But  he  took  the  wrong  steps  at  the 
critical  moment.  He  hesitated,  when  decision  would  have 
been  victory.  Had  he  gone  on  board  the  ship  at  La  Guayra 
his  end  might  have  been  less  tragic.  There  are  men  who 
lose  inspiration  and. faith  in  the  hour  of  the  opportunity 
that  they  themselves  have  made,  and  this  seems  to  have 
been  the  case  with  Miranda. 

But  the  good  that  men  have  done  is  a  harvest  that  can 
never  be  forgotten.  Truly  said  Simon  Bolivar,  years  after- 
ward, in  his  hour  of  triumph :  "  The  seed  of  liberty  yields 
its  just  fruit.  If  there  is  anything  which  is  never  lost,  it  is 
the  blood  which  is  shed  for  a  just  cause"  We  cannot  be- 
lieve Bolivar  to  have  been  insincere  when  he  said  this,  or 


THE    FAILURE    OF    MIRANDA 

when,  in  the  following  words,  he  revealed  the  motives 
which  governed  him:  "My  only  ambition  is  the  freedom 
of  my  fellow-citizens.  My  love  of  the  independence  of 
South  America  has  caused  me  to  make  different  sacri- 
fices, sometimes  in  peace,  sometimes  in  war.  I  shall  never 
refuse  these  sacrifices,  because  he  who  abandons  all  to 
be  useful  to  his  country  loses  nothing,  but  gains  all  he 
consecrates." 

In  his  day  Bolivar  was  South  America.  His  heart, 
thoughts  and  deeds  were  her  pulse-beat  and  her  destiny. 
In  order  that  the  reader  may  follow  in  detail  the  events 
of  his  life,  I  give  a  resume  of  them: 

The  oath  at  Monte  Sacro,  Rome,  1805. 

Visits  the  United  States,  1809. 

Joins  the  revolutionary  movement,  1810. 

Goes  to  England  to  purchase  arms. 

Returns,  1811. 

Advocates  the  independence  of  Venezuela,  1811. 

Enters  the  services,  on  the  staff  of  General  Miranda,  181 1. 

Arrests  Miranda,  1812., 

Goes  to  Curacao  as  a  refugee^ 

Enlists  refugees  at  Cartagena,  accompanied  by  Manuel 
Castillo. 

Rekindles  the  revolution  in  Venezuela. 

Commissioned  as  general  by  New  Granada. 

Issues  his  proclamation  of  guerra  a  muerte,  1813. 

Enters  Caracas  in  a  car  of  triumph  drawn  by  the  daugh- 
ters of  the  nobles,  1814. 

Defeated  at  Boves. 

Escapes  to  Cumana. 

Lays  siege  to  Cartagena. 

Flees  from  the  country. 

Goes  to  Kingston. 

Escapes  assassination  there. 

Gathers  a  force  at  Port  au  Prince. 


68  SOUTH   AMERICA 

Secures  four  negro  battalions  from  President  Petion. 

Returns  to  the  islands  of  the  coast. 

Is  appointed  commander-in-chief  of  the  forces  of  New 
Granada. 

Emancipates  the  slaves  by  proclamation,  June  i,  1816. 

Is  defeated  at  Ocumare. 

Is  again  supplied  with  arms  by  the  President  of  HaytL 

Defeats  Morillo,  February  16,  1817. 

Condemns  the  negro  general  Piar  to  death  for  treason. 

Gathers  an  army  of  nine  thousand  men. 

Goes  to  Angostura. 

Meets  Santander  of  New  Granada,  who  advises  a  New 
Granada  campaign. 

Organizes  a  congress  at  Angostura. 

Gathers  an  army  of  fourteen  thousand  men. 

Crosses  the  Cordilleras. 
>•     Gains  the  victory  of  Boyaca,  August  7,  1819. 

Returns  victorious  to  Venezuela. 

Proclaims  the  Republic  of  Colombia,  December  17,  1819. 

Gains  the  decisive  victory  of  Carabobo,  June  24,  1821. 

Elected  President  of  Colombia,  1821. 

Determines  to  liberate  all  South  America. 

Wins  the  battle  of  Pichincha,  through  the  aid  of  Sucre. 

Enters  Quito,  June,  1822. 

In  response  to  San  Martin  he  marches  to  Peru. 

Gains  the  victory  of  Ayacucho,  Peru,  December  9,  1824. 

Declared  Protector  of  Peru. 

Escapes  assassination  at  Bogota,  September  25,  1828. 

Condemned  for  ambitious  designs  by  the  Congress  of 
Caracas,  November  25,  1829. 

Sends  his  final  resignation  as  President  to  Congress, 
April  27,  1830. 

Goes  into  exile. 

Dies  December  17,  1830. 


CHAPTER   VII 

THE  COLONIAL  SYSTEM— WHAT  LATIN  AMERICA  SUF- 
FERED—THE SPANISH  VICEROYALTIES— THE  MANI- 
FESTO OF  ARGENTINA— THE  EXPULSION  OF  THE  JEWS 
FROM  SPAIN— THE  PERSECUTIONS  OF  THE  NATIVE 
AMERICAN  RACES— CUBA— THE  CREOLES 

TO  enter  into  the  spirit  of  the  story  of  liberty  in  the 
Andean  republics  and  in  Cuba,  one  must  have  a  view 
of  the  causes  of  the  struggles  for  emancipation.     The  his- 
tory of  these  struggles  may  be  summed  up  in  the  words 
of  Voltaire  :  "  Cruelty  leads  to  independence." 

The  colonial  system  of  Spain  in  South  and  Central 
America  and  on  the  Spanish  Main  was  one  of  selfishness, 
cruelty  and  tyranny.  Only  Spaniards  were  allowed  to 
trade  with  the  Spanish  colonial  ports.  Hence  arose  buc- 
caneers and  pirates  to  claim  the  rights  of  the  sea.  For  a 
long  period  ships  engaged  in  trade  with  those  ports  were 
allowed  to  sail  only  from  Cadiz.  A  company  of  Spanish 
merchants  and  grandees,  organized  under  the  name  of  the 
Philippine  Company,  once  purchased  of  the  government 
the  sole  right  to  trade  with  the  Indies  and  to  govern  the 
trade.  The  viceroy  himself  could  not  interfere  with  its 
rights.  The  company  compelled  the  colonists  to  sell  to  it 
the  products  of  the  country  at  its  own  price,  and  it  reaped 
a  profit  of  three  hundred  per  cent.  To  oppose  in  any 
form  this  tyranny  of  the  sea  was  death. 

69 


7O  SOUTH    AMERICA 

The  colonial  system  did  not  recognize  local  human 
rights.  Under  it  it  was  treason  for  a  man  to  assert  his 
freedom  or  to  seek  the  free  field  of  nature  for  his  labor. 
The  earth  existed  for  the  Spanish  throne. 

The  mita  was  a  cause  of  the  darkest  crimes  in  the  long 
period  of  the  viceroys.  Those  who  sought  to  escape 
from  hard  labor  as  slaves  of  the  system  were  tortured  most 
cruelly.  By  the  mita,  free  people,  usually  Indians,  were 
compelled  to  labor  for  the  state  in  the  mines,  or  in  any 
work  of  public  profit  or  improvement.  In  the  beginning 
this  involuntary  servitude  was  not  wholly  without  com- 
pensation. It  was  under  the  mita  that  the  native  races 
were  diminished  in  numbers  and  almost  disappeared  in 
many  parts  of  the  viceroyalties,  notably  so  in  parts  of  Peru. 

From  this  system  of  tyranny  the  native  Indian  and  the 
poor  Creole  could  only  appeal  to  those  who  would  at  once 
regard  them  with  suspicion,  or  to  arms.  For  generations 
they  struggled  against  their  fate,  only  to  be  crushed,  tor- 
tured and  slain.  The  local  government,  the  church,  ex- 
cept a  few  patriot  priests  of  eternal  honor,  and  the  Spanish 
throne  were  against  them. 

Education  was  denied.  Instead  of  a  beneficent  system 
of  free  instruction,  such  as  Pestalozzi  gave  to  Switzerland 
and  Prussia,  the  young  were  trained  by  the  bull-fight. 
The  trumpet-call  of  the  old  Moorish  brutality,  and  not  the 
school-bell,  echoed  from  the  Andes.  The  plaza  del  toro 
was  the  agora  and  the  school-room  of  object-lessons.  The 
picadors  and  the  matadors  were  thMieroes  of  the  day. 

Take  the  educational  condition  of  Porto  Rico,  one  of 
the  fairest  of  the  Antilles.  The  island  has  a  population 
of  480,267  white  people,  248,690  of  mixed  races,  and 
77,751  negroes.  The  taxes  of  these  poor  people  for  a 
recent  tax  year  were  $4,374,874.  Much  of  this  money 
goes  toward  the  support  of  high-salaried  foreign  officials, 


THE    MANIFESTO    OF    ARGENTINA  71 

who  live  in  luxury.  The  number  of  officers  living  upon 
the  Porto  Ricans  is  about  35,000.  Yet  out  of  480,267 
white  inhabitants,  only  96,867  could  read  and  write. 

Go  to  Quito,  which  under  the  Incas  rose  into  such  splen- 
dor and  freedom  that  its  history  reads  like  an  Oriental 
dream.  Its  empire  swept  from  the  fiery  arch  of  the  equator 
to  the  silver  desert  of  Atacama.  Within  its  mountain  walls, 
with  their  crystal  peaks,  rose  palaces  gleaming  with  the 
gems  of  the  Esmeraldas  and  the  earth-covered  treasures  of 
the  Andes.  The  people  were  happy  and  free.  The  Sun 
was  their  father  in  this  world,  and  in  the  next  their  souls 
would  ascend  to  the  Incas,  who  dwelt  with  the  Ineffable. 
Spain,  with  her  mita,  made  a  Sahara  of  this  land.  Her 
laws  forbade  every  right  and  privilege  that  did  not  yield 
a  revenue  to  a  throne  thousands  of  miles  away.  The 
colonist  planted,  but  not  for  himself;  he  reaped,  but  the 
harvest  was  not  his.  If  he  murmured,  he  was  answered 
by  the  lash.  To  have  an  opinion  of  his  own  was  treason. 
To  assert  his  birthright  of  liberty  was  death. 

But  what  was  the  compensation  to  the  world  for  this 
system  of  slavery?  Go  ask  the  dons  at  the  bull- fights. 
Churches,  indeed,  arose  where  ancient  temples  fell,  but 
the  spirit  of  the  Mount  of  Beatitudes  was  almost  as  much 
absent  from  them  as  from  the  altars  of  Persepolis,  Babylon, 
Nineveh.  Good  priests,  indeed,  there  were,  by  whom 
truth  was  preached ;  but  those  who  raised  their  voices  for 
humanity  fell  under  the  tyrannous  insanity  that  too  often 
follows  material  success.  The  land  became  a  slave-pen, 
and  tyranny  triumphed. 

Go  to  San  Carlos  after  the  victory  of  Carabobo.  The 
Spanish  general  Calzada,  as  soon  as  he  had  taken  posses- 
sion of  the  beautiful  town,  caused  more  than  two  hun- 
dred persons  to  be  murdered,  sparing  neither  the  aged  nor 
the  infants.  A  patriotic  priest  of  San  Carlos,  named  Carjos 


72  SOUTH   AMERICA 

Quintana,  was  seized.  His  ears  were  cut  off;  he  was 
flayed  alive,  and  his  own  bleeding  skin  was  held  up  before 
his  dying  eyes ;  he  was  then  beheaded.  The  village  was 
reduced  to  ashes. 

Go  to  Cartagena,  that  old  city  with  yellow  walls,  slum- 
bering in  the  dreamy  days,  by  the  listless  harbor  of  the 
purple  sea.  The  walls  sixty  feet  thick,  into  which  went 
the  unrequited  toil  of  a  generation  of  slaves;  the  sunken 
sea-walls  that  stayed  the  invader;  the  castle-like  monas- 
teries and  convents  on  the  hills,  where  the  golden  lamps 
light  the  shadows  of  solitudes;  the  old  broken  church, 
with  a  torture-bed  of  the  Inquisition  still  used  as  a  grating 
for  one  of  its  lower  windows — all  reveal  the  soul  of  a 
system  that  is  dead.  The  surrounding  country,  with  its 
cool  palm-gardens  and  its  always  blooming  flowers,  is  one 
of  the  most  beautiful  in  all  the  world,  but  there  ignorance 
wanders  in  rags. 

One  may  think  that  history  exaggerates  such  scenes  of 
injustice  and  cruelty,  and  their  withering  influences.  Read 
the  manifesto  addressed  to  all  the  nations  of  the  earth  by 
the  Constituent  Congress  of  the  United  Provinces  of  South 
America,  respecting  the  treatment  and  cruelties  they  re- 
ceived from  the  Spaniards.  It  was  the  precursor  of  the 
Argentine  Declaration  of  Independence,  which  was  issued 
from  Buenos  Ayres  on  October  25,  1817.  Never  was 
there  such  an  arraignment  of  any  civilized  nation  as  that 
of  this  manifesto.  Every  fact  it  mentions  is  abundantly 
verified  and  is  absolutely  true. 


MANIFESTO 

"  Addressed  to  all  Nations  of  the  Earth  by  the  General 
Constituent  Congress  of  the  United  Provinces  of  South 
America,  respecting  the  treatment  and  cruelties  they  have 


THE    MANIFESTO    OF    ARGENTINA  73 

experienced  from  the  Spaniards,  and  which  have  given 
rise  to  the  Declaration  of  Independence. 

"  Honor  is  a  distinction  which  mortals  esteem  more 
than  their  own  existence,  and  they  are  bound  to  defend 
it  above  all  earthly  benefits,  however  great  and  sublime 
they  may  be.  The  United  Provinces  of  the  river  Plata 
have  been  accused  by  the  Spanish  government,  before 
other  nations,  of  rebellion  and  perfidy ;  and  as  such,  also, 
has  been  denounced  the  memorable  Act  of  Emancipation, 
proclaimed  by  the  National  Congress  in  Tucuman  on  July 
9,  1816,  by  imputing  to  it  ideas  of  anarchy,  and  a  wish  to 
introduce  into  other  countries  seditious  principles,  at  the 
ver_y  time  the  said  provinces  were  soliciting  the  friendship 
of  these  same  nations,  and  the  acknowledgment  of  this 
memorable  act,  for  the  purpose  of  forming  one  among 
them.  The  first  and  among  the  most  sacred  of  the  duties 
imposed  on  the  National  Congress  is  to  wipe  away  so 
foul  a  stigma,  and  defend  the  cause  of  their  country,  by 
displaying  the  cruelties  and  motives  which  led  them  to  the 
Declaration  of  Independence.  This,  indeed,  is  not  to  be 
considered  as  an  act  of  submission,  which  may  attribute 
to  any  other  nation  of  the  earth  the  power  of  disposing  of 
a  fate  which  has  already  cost  America  torrents  of  blood 
and  all  kinds  of  sacrifices  and  bitter  privations ;  it  is  rather 
an  important  consideration  we  owe  to  our  outraged  honor, 
and  the  decorum  due  to  other  nations. 

"  We  waive  all  investigations  respecting  the  rights  of 
conquest,  papal  grants,  and  other  titles  on  which  Spaniards 
have  usually  founded  and  upheld  their  dominion.  We  do 
not  seek  to  recur  to  principles  which  might  give  rise  to 
problematical  discussions,  and  revive  points  of  argument 
which  have  had  defenders  on  both  sides.  We  appeal  to 
facts,  which  form  a  painful  contrast  to  our  forbearance 
with  the  oppression  and  cruelty  of  Spaniards.  We  will 


74  SOUTH    AMERICA 

exhibit  a  frightful  abyss  which  Spain  was  opening  under 
our  feet,  and  into  which  these  provinces  were  about  to  be 
precipitated,  if  they  had  not  interposed  the  safeguard  of 
their  own  emancipation.  We  will,  in  short,  exhibit  reasons 
which  no  rational  man  can  disregard,  unless  he  could  find 
sufficient  pleas  to  persuade  a  country  forever  to  renounce 
all  idea  of  its  own  felicity,  and,  in  preference,  adopt  a 
system  of  ruin,  opprobrium  and  forbearance.  Let  us 
place  before  the  eyes  of  the  world  this  picture,  one  which 
it  will  be  impossible  to  behold  without  being  profoundly 
moved  by  the  same  sentiments  as  those  by  which  we  are 
ourselves  actuated. 

"  From  the  moment  when  the  Spaniards  possessed 
themselves  of  these  countries,  they  preferred  the  system 
of  securing  their  dominion  by  extermination,  destruction 
and  degradation.  The  plans  of  this  extensive  mischief 
were  forthwith  carried  into  effect,  and  have  been  continued 
without  any  intermission  during  the  space  of  three  hun- 
dred years.  They  began  by  assassinating  the  monarchs 
of  Peru,  and  they  afterward  did  the  same  with  the  other 
chieftains  and  distinguished  men  who  came  in  their  way. 
The  inhabitants  of  the  country,  anxious  to  restrain  such 
ferocious  intrusion,  under  the  great  disadvantage  of  their 
arms  became  the  victims  of  fire  and  sword,  and  were 
compelled  to  leave  their  settlements  a  prey  to  the  devour- 
ing flames,  which  were  everywhere  applied  without  pity 
or  distinction. 

"  The  Spaniards  then  placed  a  barrier  to  the  population 
of  the  country.  They  prohibited,  under  laws  the  most 
rigorous,  the  ingress  of  foreigners,  and  in  every  possible 
respect  limited  that  of  even  Spaniards  themselves,  although 
in  times  more  recent  the  emigration  of  criminal  and  im- 
moral men,  outcasts,  was  encouraged,  of  men  such  as  it 
was  expedient  to  expel  from  the  Peninsula.  Neither  our 


THE   MANIFESTO   OF   ARGENTINA  75 

vast  though  beautiful  deserts,  formed  by  the  extermina- 
tion of  the  natives;  the  advantages  Spain  would  have 
derived  from  the  cultivation  of  regions  as  immense  as  they 
are  fertile ;  the  incitement  of  mines,  the  richest  and  most 
abundant  on  earth;  the  stimulus  of  innumerable  produc- 
tions, partly  till  then  unknown,  but  all  estimable  for  their 
value  and  variety,  and  capable  of  encouraging  and  carry- 
ing agriculture  and  commerce  to  their  highest  pitch  of 
opulence;  in  short,  not  even  the  wanton  wickedness  of 
retaining  these  choice  countries  plunged  into  the  most 
abject  misery,  were  any  of  them  motives  sufficiently 
powerful  to  change  the  dark  and  inauspicious  principles 
of  the  cabinet  of  Madrid.  Hundreds  of  leagues  do  we 
still  behold,  unsettled  and  uncultivated,  in  the  space  in- 
tervening from  one  city  to  another.  Entire  towns  have, 
in  some  places,  disappeared,  either  buried  in  the  ruins  of 
mines,  or  their  inhabitants  destroyed  by  the  compulsive 
and  poisonous  labor  of  working  them ;  nor  have  the  cries 
of  all  Peru,  nor  the  energetic  remonstrances  of  the  most 
zealous  ministers,  been  capable  of  reforming  this  exter- 
minating system  of  forced  labor,  carried  on  within  the 
bowels  of  the  earth. 

"  The  art  of  working  the  mines,  among  us  beheld  with 
apathy  and  neglect,  has  been  unattended  with  those  im- 
provements which  have  distinguished  the  enlightened  age 
in  which  we  live,  and  diminished  the  attendant  casualties; 
hence  opulent  mines,  worked  in  the  most  clumsy  and 
improvident  manner,  have  sunk  in  and  been  overwhelmed, 
either  through  the  undermining  of  the  mineral  ridges,  or 
the  rush  of  waters  which  have  totally  inundated  them. 
Other  rare  and  estimable  productions  of  the  country  are 
still  confounded  with  nature  and  neglected  by  the  govern- 
ment, and  if,  among  us,  any  enlightened  observer  has 
attempted  to  point  out  their  advantages,  he  has  been 


76  SOUTH   AMERICA 

reprehended  by  the  court,  and  forced  to  silence,  owing  to 
the  competition  that  might  arise  to  a  few  artisans  of  the 
mother-country. 

"  The  teaching  of  science  was  forbidden  us,  and  we  were 
allowed  to  study  only  the  Latin  grammar,  ancient  philos- 
ophy, theology,  civil  and  canonical  jurisprudence.  Vice- 
roy Joaquin  del  Pino  took  the  greatest  umbrage  at  the 
Buenos  Ayres  Board  of  Trade  because  it  presumed  to 
bear  the  expenses  of  a  nautical  school.  In  compliance 
with  the  orders  transmitted  from  court,  it  was  closed. 
An  injunction,  besides,  was  laid  upon  us  that  our  youths 
should  not  be  sent  to  Paris  to  become  professors  of  chem- 
istry, with  a  view  of  teaching  this  science  among  their  own 
countrymen. 

"  Commerce  has  at  all  times  been  an  exclusive  monopoly 
in  the  hands  of  the  traders  of  Spain  and  the  consignees 
they  sent  over  to  America,  '•)  The  public  offices  were  re- 
served for  Spaniards,  and  notwithstanding,  by  the  laws, 
these  were  equally  open  to  Americans,  we  seldom  attained 
them,  and  when  we  did,  it  was  by  satiating  the  avarice 
of  the  court  through  the  sacrifice  of  immense  treasures. 
Among  one  hundred  and  sixty  viceroys  who  have  governed 
in  America,  four  natives  of  the  country  alone  are  num- 
bered ;  and  of  six  hundred  and  two  captains-general  and 
governors,  with  the  exception  of  fourteen,  all  have  been 
Spaniards.  The  same  proportionally  happened  in  the 
other  offices  of  importance.  Scarcely,  indeed,  had  the 
Americans  an  opportunity  of  alternating  with  Spaniards 
in  situations  the  most  subaltern. 

"  Everything  was  so  arranged  by  Spain  that  the  degra- 
dation of  the  natives  should  prevail  in  America.  It  did 
not  enter  into  her  views  that  wise  men  should  be  formed, 
fearful  that  minds  and  talents  would  be  created  capable 
of  promoting  the  interests  of  their  country,  and  causing 


THE    MANIFESTO    OF    ARGENTINA  77 

civilization,  manners,  and  those  excellent  capabilities  with 
which  the  Colombian  children  are  gifted,  to  make  a  rapid 
progress.  She  unceasingly  diminished  our  population, 
apprehensive  that  some  day  or  other  it  might  be  in  a  state 
to  rise  against  a  dominion  sustained  only  by  a  few  hands 
to  whom  the  keeping  of  detached  and  extensive  regions 
was  intrusted.  She  carried  on  an  exclusive  trade  because 
she  supposed  opulence  would  make  us  proud  and  inclined 
to  free  ourselves  from  outrage.  She  denied  to  us  the 
advancement  of  industry  in  order  that  we  might  be 
divested  of  the  means  of  rising  out  of  misery  and  povert^j 
and  we  were  excluded  from  offices  of  trust  in  order  that 
Peninsulars  only  might  hold  influence  in  the  country,  and 
form  the  necessary  habits  and  inclinations^ ivith  a  view  of 
leaving  us  in  such  a  state  of  dependence  as  to  be  unable 
to  think  or  act,  unless  according  to  Spanish  forms. 

"  Such  was  the  system  firmly  and  steadily  upheld  by 
the  viceroys,  each  one  of  whom  bore  the  state  and  arro- 
gance of  a  vizier.  Their  power  was  sufficient  to  crush  any 
one  who  had  the  misfortune  to  displease  them.  However 
great  their  outrages,  they  were  to  be  borne  with  resigna- 
tion, for  by  their  satellites  and  flatterers  their  frown  was 
superstitiously  compared  to  the  anger  of  God.  Com- 
plaints addressed  to  the  throne  were  either  lost  in  the 
extended  interval  of  those  thousands  of  leagues  it  was 
necessary  to  cross,  or  buried  in  the  offices  at  home  by 
the  relatives  or  patrons  of  men  wielding  viceregal  power. 
This  system,  so  far  from  having  been  softened,  has  been 
strengthened,  so  that  all  hopes  that  even  time  would  pro- 
duce this  effect  were  totally  lost  We  held  neither  direct 
nor  indirect  influence  in  our  own  legislation ;  this  was 
instituted  in  Spain.  Nor  were  we  allowed  the  right  of 
sending  over  persons  who  might  point  out  what  was  fit 
and  suitable,  empowered  to  assist  at  its  enactment,  as  the 


78  SOUTH    AMERICA 

cities  of  Spain  were  authorized  to  do.  Neither  had  we 
any  influence  over  the  administration  of  government, 
which  might,  in  some  measure,  have  tempered  the  rigor 
of  such  laws  as  were  in  force.  We  were  aware  that  no 
other  resource  was  left  to  us  than  patience,  and  that  for 
him  who  was  not  resigned  to  endure  all,  even  capital 
punishment  was  not  sufficient,  since,  for  cases  of  this  kind, 
torments  new  and  of  unheard-of  cruelty  had  been  invented, 
such  as  made  nature  shudder. 

"  Neither  so  great  nor  so  repeated  were  the  hardships 
which  roused  the  provinces  of  Holland  when  they  took 
up  arms  to  free  themselves  from  the  yoke  of  Spain,  nor 
those  of  Portugal  to  effect  the  same  purpose.  Less  were 
the  hardships  which  placed  the  Swiss  under  the  direction 
of  William  Tell,  and  in  open  opposition  to  the  German 
emperor;  less  those  which  determined  the  United  States 
of  North  America  to  resist  the  imposts  forced  upon  them 
by  a  British  king;  less,  in  short,  the  powerful  motives 
which  have  urged  other  countries,  not  separated  by  nature 
from  the  parent  state,  to  cast  off  an  iron  yoke  and  consult 
their  own  felicity." 

Of  the  conduct  of  Spain  toward  her  colonies,  on  the 
return  of  Ferdinand  to  the  throne,  this  manifesto  gives 
the  following  description : 

"  Posterity  will  be  astonished  at  the  ferocity  exercised 
against  us  by  men  interested  in  the  preservation  of  Spanish 
power  in  America ;  and  that  rashness  and  folly  with  which 
they  have  sought  to  punish  demonstrations  the  most  evi- 
dent of  fidelity  and  love,  will  ever  be  matter  of  the  greatest 
surprise.  The  name  of  Ferdinand  de  Bourbon  preceded 
all  the  decrees  of  our  government,  and  was  at  the  head  of 
all  its  public  acts.  The  Spanish  flag  waved  on  our  vessels 


THE    MANIFESTO    OF    ARGENTINA  79 

and  served  to  animate  our  soldiers.  The  provinces,  seeing 
themselves  in  a  bereft  state  through  the  overthrow  of  the 
national  government,  owing  to  the  want  of  another  legiti- 
mate and  respectable  one  substituted  in  its  stead,  and  the 
conquest  of  nearly  the  whole  of  the  mother-country,  raised 
up  a  watch-tower,  as  it  were,  within  themselves,  to  attend 
to  their  own  security  and  self-preservation,  reserving  them- 
selves for  the  captive  monarch,  in  case  he  recovered  his 
freedom.  This  measure  was  in  imitation  of  the  public 
conduct  of  Spain,  and  called  forth  by  the  declaration  made 
to  America  that  she  was  an  integral  part  of  the  monarchy, 
and  in  rights  equal  with  the  former ;  and  it  had,  moreover, 
been  resorted  to  in  Montevideo,  through  the  advice  of  the 
Spaniards  themselves.  We  offered  to  continue  pecuniary 
succors  and  voluntary  donations  in  order  to  prosecute  the 
war,  and  we  a  thousand  times  published  the  soundness  of 
our  intentions  and  the  sincerity  of  our  wishes.  Great 
Britain,  at  that  time  so  well  deserving  of  Spain,  interposed 
her  mediation  and  good  offices  in  order  that  we  might  not 
be  treated  in  so  harsh  and  cruel  a  manner.  But  the 
Spanish  ministers,  blinded  by  their  sanguinary  caprice, 
spurned  the  mediation,  and  issued  rigorous  orders  to  all 
their  generals  to  push  the  war,  and  to  inflict  heavier  punish- 
ments. On  every  side  scaffolds  were  raised,  and  recourse 
was  had  to  every  invention  for  spreading  consternation 
and  dismay. 

"  From  that  moment  they  endeavored  to  divide  us  by 
all  the  means  in  their  power,  in  order  that  we  might  ex- 
terminate each  other.  They  propagated  against  us  atro- 
cious calumnies,  attributing  to  us  the  design  of  destroying 
our  sacred  religion,  of  setting  aside  all  morality,  and  estab- 
lishing licentiousness  of  manners.  They  carried  on  a  war 
of  religion  against  us,  devising  many  and  various  plots  to 
agitate  and  alarm  the  consciences  of  the  people,  by  causing 


80  SOUTH    AMERICA 

the  Spanish  bishops  to  issue  edicts  of  ecclesiastical  censure 
and  interdiction  among  the  faithful,  to  publish  excommu- 
nications, and,  by  means  of  some  ignorant  confessors,  to 
sow  fanatical  doctrines  in  the  tribunal  of  penance.  By 
the  aid  of  such  religious  discords,  they  have  sown  dis- 
sension in  families,  produced  quarrels  between  parents  and 
their  children,  torn  asunder  the  bonds  which  united  man 
and  wife,  scattered  implacable  enmity  and  rancor  among 
brothers  formerly  the  most  affectionate,  and  even  placed 
nature  herself  in  a  state  of  hostility  and  variance. 

"  They  have  adopted  the  system  of  killing  men  indis- 
criminately, in  order  to  diminish  our  numbers.  On  their 
entry  into  towns,  they  have  seized  non-combatants,  hur- 
ried them  in  groups  to  the  squares,  and  there  shot  them 
one  by  one.  The  cities  of  Chuquisaca*  and  Cochabamba 
have  more  than  once  been  the  theaters  of  these  ferocious 
acts. 

"  They  have  mixed  our  captive  prisoners  among  their 
own  troops,  carrying  off  our  officers  in  irons  to  secluded 
dungeons,  where,  during  the  period  of  a  year,  it  was  im- 
possible for  them  to  retain  their  health.  Others  they  have 
left  to  die  of  hunger  and  misery  in  the  prisons,  and  many 
they  have  compelled  to  toil  in  public  works.  In  a  boast- 
ing manner  they  have  shot  the  bearers  of  our  flags  of 
truce,  and  committed  the  basest  horrors  upon  military 
chiefs  and  other  principal  persons  who  had  already  sur- 
rendered themselves,  notwithstanding  the  humanity  we 
have  always  displayed  toward  prisoners  taken  from  them. 
In  proof  of  this  assertion,  we  can  quote  the  cases  of  Deputy 
Matos  from  Potosi,  Captain-General  Pumacagua,  General 
Angulo  and  his  brother,  Commandant  Munecas,  and  other 
leaders,  shot  in  cold  blood  many  days  after  they  had  been 
made  prisoners. 

"  In  the  town  of  Valle- Grande  they  enjoyed  the  brutal 


THE    MANIFESTO    OF   ARGENTINA  8 1 

pleasure  of  cutting  off  the  ears  of  the  inhabitants,  and 
sent  off  a  basket  filled  with  these  presents  to  their  head- 
quarters. They  afterward  burned  the  town,  set  fire  to 
thirty  other  populous  ones  belonging  to  Peru,  and  took 
delight  in  shutting  up  persons  in  their  own  houses  before 
the  flames  were  applied  to  them,  in  order  that  they  might 
there  be  burned  to  death. 

"They  have  not  only  been  cruel  and  implacable  in 
murdering,  but  they  have  also  divested  themselves  of  all 
morality  and  public  decency,  by  whipping  old  religious 
persons  in  the  open  squares,  and  also  women,  bound  to  a 
cannon,  causing  them  previously  to  be  stripped  and  ex- 
posed to  shame  and  derision. 

"  For  all  these  kinds  of  punishments  they  established  an 
inquisitorial  system.  They  have  seized  the  persons  of 
several  peaceable  citizens  and  conveyed  them  beyond  seas, 
there  to  be  judged  for  supposed  crimes.  Many  they  have 
sent  to  execution  without  any  form  of  trial  whatever. 

"  They  have  destroyed  our  vessels,  plundered  our 
coasts,  butchered  their  defenseless  inhabitants,  without 
even  sparing  superannuated  priests;  and,  by  order  of 
General  Pezuela,  they  burned  the-  church  belonging  to 
the  town  of  Puna,  and  put  to  the  sword  old  men,  women 
and  children,  the  only  inhabitants  therein  found.  They 
have  excited  atrocious  conspiracies  among  the  Spaniards 
domiciliated  in  our  cities,  and  forced  us  into  the  painful 
alternative  of  imposing  capital  punishment  on  the  fathers 
of  numerous  families. 

"They  have  compelled  our  brethren  and  children  to 
take  up  arms  against  us,  and,  forming  armies  out  of  the 
inhabitants  of  the  country,  under  the  command  of  their 
own  officers,  they  have  forced  them  into  battle  with  our 
troops.  They  have  stirred  up  domestic  plots  and  con- 
spiracies, by  corrupting  with  money,  and  by  means  of  all 


82  SOUTH    AMERICA 

kinds  of  machinations,  the  peaceful  inhabitants  of  the 
country,  in  order  to  involve  us  in  dreadful  anarchy,  and 
then  to  attack  us  in  a  weak  and  divided  state. 

'*'  In  a  most  shameful  and  infamous  manner  they  have 
failed  to  fulfil  every  capitulation  we  have,  on  repeated 
occasions,  concluded  with  them,  even  at  a  time  when  we 
have  had  them  under  our  own  swords.  They  caused  four 
thousand  men,  after  they  had  surrendered,  again  to  take 
up  arms,  together  with  General  Tristan,  at  the  action  of 
Salta,  to  whom  General  Belgrano  generously  granted 
terms  of  capitulation  on  the  field  of  battle,  and  more 
generously  complied  with  them,  trusting  to  their  word 
and  honor. 

"  They  have  invented  a  new  species  of  horrid  warfare, 
by  poisoning  the  waters  and  aliments,  as  they  did  when 
conquered  in  La  Paz  by  General  Pinelo ;  and  in  return  for 
the  kind  manner  in  which  the  latter  treated  them,  after 
surrendering  at  discretion,  they  resorted  to  the  barbarous 
stratagem  of  blowing  up  the  soldiers'  quarters,  which  they 
had  previously  undermined.  They  have  had  the  baseness 
to  tamper  with  our  generals  and  governors,  by  availing 
themselves  of  and  abusing  the  sacred  privilege  of  flags  of 
truce,  exciting  them  to  act  traitorously  toward  us,  for  this 
purpose  making  written  overtures  to  them.  They  have 
declared  that  the  laws  of  war  observed  among  civilized 
nations  ought  not  to  be  practised  among  us;  and  their 
general  Pezuela,  after  the  battle  of  Ayouma,  in  order  to 
avoid  any  compromise  or  understanding,  had  the  arro- 
gance to  answer  General  Belgrano  that  with  insurgents  it 
was  impossible  to  enter  into  treaties. 

"  Such  has  been  the  conduct  of  Spaniards  toward  us 
since  the  restoration  of  Ferdinand  de  Bourbon  to  the 
throne  of  his  ancestors.  We  then  believed  that  the  ter- 
mination of  so  many  sufferings  and  disasters  had  arrived. 


PERSECUTIONS  OF  THE  NATIVE  AMERICAN  RACES      83 

We  had  supposed  that  a  king  schooled  by  the  lessons  of 
adversity  would  not  be  indifferent  to  the  desolation  of 
his  people,  and  we  sent  over  a  commissioner  to  him  in 
order  to  acquaint  him  with  our  situation.  We  could  not 
for  a  moment  conceive  that  he  would  fail  to  meet  our 
wishes  as  a  benign  prince,  nor  could  we  doubt  that  our 
requests  would  interest  him  in  a  manner  corresponding  to 
that  gratitude  and  goodness  which  the  courtiers  of  Spain 
had  extolled  to  the  skies.  But  a  new  and  unknown 
species  of  ingratitude  was  reserved  for  America,  surpass- 
ing all  the  examples  found  in  the  histories  of  the  greatest 
tyrants. 

"  Given  in  the  Hall  of  Congress,  Buenos  Ay  res,  this 
twenty-fifth  day  of  October,  eighteen  hundred  and  seven- 
teen. 

"DR.  PEDRO  IGNACIO  DE  CASTRO  Y  BARROS, 

President. 

"  DR.  JOSE  EUGENIO  DE  ELIAS, 

Secretary." 

The  cruel  policy  of  Spain  did  not  begin  in  her  colonies. 
The  sufferings  of  the  Jews  in  Spain  are  one  of  the  most 
terrible  chapters  in  human  history.  The  defenseless 
Hebrews  were  driven  from  their  homes.  They  were  de- 
prived not  only  of  their  estates,  but  of  their  means  of  sup- 
port. The  women  and  children  wandered  homeless  and 
foodless.  Many  of  these  people,  after  their  expulsion, 
became  the  victims  of  the  Inquisition,  and  fed  the  fires  of 
the  auto  da  fe.  The  crown  profited  by  the  confiscated 
property.  During  the  eighteen  years  of  Torquemada's 
ministry  more  than  ten  thousand  Jews  were  burned  alive. 
The  expulsion  of  the  Jews  was  the  beginning  of  the  fall  of 
Spain. 

In  Cuba,  the  glory  of  the  Spanish  Main,  the  colonial 


84  SOUTH    AMERICA 

system  was  reasserted  in  1825,  under  the  name  of  "  Royal 
Order."  This  order  placed  the  absolute  power  in  the 
hands  of  the  captain-general,  and  gave  to  this  officer  "  the 
whole  extent  of  authority  which  is  granted  to  the  governors 
of  besieged  towns"  Cuba  may  be  said  to  have  been  under 
martial  law  from  that  date.  Since  1825  there  was  no 
legislative  assembly  in  Cuba,  except  that  of  the  revolu- 
tionists. Since  1836  it  has  not  had  any  real  representation 
in  the  Cortes.  There  have  been  no  popular  assemblies, 
no  juntas,  no  elections,  no  juries  to  protect  individual  rights. 
The  press  and  the  public  amusements  have  been  under 
censorship.  Patriots  were  subject  to  banishment  without 
charge,  trial  or  record.  There  was,  indeed,  a  Real  Audi- 
encia,  but  it  obeyed  the  will  of  the  governor. 

No  native  Cuban  could  hold  any  office  of  honor  or 
emolument.  The  army  was  composed  almost  wholly  of 
Spaniards.  No  man  in  Cuba  might  entertain  a  stranger 
in  any  time  of  public  peril  overnight,  without  permission 
of  the  magistrate.  No  one  might  carry  weapons  of 
defense. 

But  though  the  people  were  not  allowed  to  exercise 
their  rights,  they  were  heavily  taxed.  To  be  taxed  seems 
to  have  been,  in  the  eyes  of  their  taskmasters,  the 
only  purpose  of  their  existence.  Cuba  paid  the  expenses 
of  the  government  of  her  tyrants,  and  sent  enormous 
revenues  to  Spain.  What  Cuba  was  from  1825  to  1898 
represents  the  ancient  colonial  system  of  the  whole  Spanish 
empire  in  the  South.  The  Peninsular  king  was  the  state. 
His  empires  existed  for  him  and  his.  He  was  to  be  re- 
garded as  the  elect  of  God,  and  could  do  no  wrong. 

The  Spanish  rule  of  slavery  and  robbery  in  Cuba  began 
in  1511,  more  than  a  hundred  years  before  the  sailing  of 
the  Mayflower.  Within  half  a  century  after  the  discovery, 
Spanish  cruelty  almost  extinguished  the  innocent  native 


PERSECUTIONS  OF  THE  NATIVE  AMERICAN  RACES      85 

population.  Negro  slavery  followed  this  great  injustice. 
Havana  became  a  port  of  the  slave-trade,  which  was  car- 
ried on  for  the  enrichment  of  Spain,  whose  monarchs 
never  regarded  Cuba  as  an  integral  part  of  their  empire. 
Half  a  million  slaves  were  brought  to  Cuba  as  late  as  the 
early  part  of  the  present  century.  The  cruelty  with  which 
these  slaves  were  treated  led  to  the  fearful  insurrections 
of  1844  and  1868. 

An  effort  for  the  independence  of  Cuba  was  made  in 
the  middle  of  this  century.  The  isle  of  June,  the  ever- 
beautiful  isle,  began  to  feel  the  influence  of  the  republics 
with  which  it  was  surrounded.  The  men  doomed  to  toil 
for  the  luxury  of  a  foreign  court  became  restless  to  be 
free. 

Puerto  Principe,  a  central  province  four  hundred  and 
fifty  miles  from  Havana,  contained  a  population  favorable 
to  the  development  of  liberty.  It  became  the  starting- 
place  of  the  insurrection.  Its  soil  is  rich  and  productive, 
and  it  is  flanked  by  noble  mountains  on  either  hand. 

Here  was  an  inland  city  of  the  same  name  as  the 
province,  which  was  remote  from  political  cabals.  The 
inhabitants  were  virtuous,  upright  and  strong.  They 
breathed  the  air  of  liberty  and  felt  the  strength  of  the 
hills.  They  came  to  abhor  oppression.  They  were  the 
Puritans  of  Cuba.  They  saw  what  the  island  might  be 
under  the  rule  of  democracy,  liberty  and  a  free  conscience. 
But  the  garrote,  the  dungeon  and  the  sword  held  their 
growing  patriotism  in  check.  Suddenly  twelve  of  their 
noble  citizens  were  arrested  for  participating  in  revolution- 
ary movements.  The  city,  then  of  some  one  hundred 
thousand  souls,  was  thrown  into  intense  excitement.  The 
flag  of  independence  was  unfurled  on  July  4,  1852,  in  the 
groves  where  the  people  assembled.  The  battle  of 
Puerto  Principe,  which  followed  the  movement,  was  a 


86  SOUTH    AMERICA 

victory  for  the  Cuban  patriots,  and  the  country  arose 
in  arms.  The  battles  of  Coscorro,  Las  Tunas,  Najassa, 
San  Miguel  and  Cerro  followed. 

Soon  General  Lopez,  from  Key  West,  with  a  force  of 
patriots,  appeared  on  the  coast  to  aid  the  Cubans.  He 
repulsed  the  Spanish. 

The  war  opened  with  a  scene  of  barbarism.  Fifty-two 
American  citizens,  who  had  gone  out  from  the  invading 
expedition  in  four  launches,  were  captured  by  a  Spanish 
man-of-war,  and  were  condemned  to  death.  The  captives 
were  brought  to  Havana  on  August  16,  and  were  executed 
the  same  day.  They  were  compelled  to  kneel  with  their 
backs  to  the  executioners,  in  view  of  some  twenty  thousand 
spectators.  After  being  shot,  their  bodies  were  dragged 
by  the  feet,  by  negroes,  and  then  left  to  the  fury  of  the 
mob,  who  stripped  them  of  most  of  their  clothes,  and  bore 
them  through  the  public  streets,  crying  out  like  demons. 
The  barbarous  manner  of  the  execution  of  these  patriotic 
adventurers  filled  America  with  indignation.  Public  meet- 
ings were  held  there  to  express  the  popular  feeling. 

The  whole  Spanish  force  was  now  directed  against 
General  Lopez.  He  was  defeated  and  wounded.  He 
was  run  down  by  bloodhounds,  captured  and  executed. 
His  last  words  were/"  Adieu,  dear  Cuba!" 

Some  thirty- five  years  ago  the  Virginius,  a  ship  that 
was  secretly  in  the  service  of  the  Cuban  patriots,  but  not 
proved  to  have  been  so  until  long  after  her  capture,  was 
seized  by  the  Spanish  cruiser  Tornada,  not  far  from 
Jamaica.  She  was  sailing  under  the  United  States  flag, 
and  had  United  States  papers.  Her  officers  and  men  were 
taken  to  Santiago  de  Cuba,  and  were  shot. a  day  or  two 
after  their  capture.  The  captain  of  the  Virginius  was 
named  Fry.  His  farewell  to  his  men  was  most  affecting. 
Some  of  the  wounded  adventurers  had  their  heads  blown 


PERSECUTIONS  OF  THE  NATIVE  AMERICAN  RACES     87 

off  in  a  savage  way,  and  the  bodies  of  all  were  given  over 
to  the  chain-gang.  The  slaughter  of  these  men  without 
any  reference  of  the  case  to  consular  powers  for  the  de- 
cision of  international  tribunals  was  barbarism,  and  was 
accomplished  in  a  barbarous  manner.  If  the  men  had 
forfeited  their  lives,  it  should  have  been  proved  before 
their  execution. 

The  revolution  of  1868-78  developed  the  same  injustice 
and  cruelty  on  the  part  of  the  Spanish.  The  principal 
Cuban  grievance  at  this  time  was  that  the  Spaniards 
drained  the  island  of  between  forty  and  fifty  per  cent,  of 
the  annual  income,  and  left  the  people  poor  and  uncared 
for.  They  were  simply  slaves  of  a  foreign  power,  that 
robbed  them  of  the  fruits  of  their  labors.  Spain  promised 
to  redress  this  and  the  other  grievances.  The  rebels, 
reposing  confidence  in  Spain's  honor,  laid  down  their 
arms.  Spain  betrayed  that  confidence. 

This*  failure  of  Spain  to  keep  her  promise  caused  the 
present  rebellion.  At  first  Marshal  Campos  was  sent  to,~ 
Cuba.  He  was  recalled,  and  Weyle/rwas'^intfl**  Weyler 
inaugurated  the  ptflrcy  ^okf ,  'the'  trocha,  or  the  confinement 
of  the  Cubans  in  certam  limits.  He  caused  them  to  be 
concentrated  within  the  plowed  furrows  around  fortified 
places,  to  starve  in  a  land  of  plenty. 

On  January  8,  1898,  General  Lee,  consul-general  of 
the  United  States  at  Havana,  made  the  following  report 
to  his  government : 

"  SIR  :  I  have  the  honor  to  state,  as  a  matter  of  public 
interest,  that  the  '  reconcentrado  order  '  of  General  Weyler, 
formerly  governor-general  of  this  island,  transformed  about 
four  hundred  thousand  self-supporting  people,  principally 
women  and  children,  into  a  multitude  to  be  sustained  by 
the  contributions  of  others,  or  die  of  starvation  or  of  fevers 
resulting  from  a  low  physical  condition,  and  being  massed 


88  SOUTH   AMERICA 

in  large  bodies,  without  change  of  clothing  and  without 
food.  Their  homes  were  burned,  their  fields  and  plant- 
beds  destroyed,  and  their  live  stock  driven  away  or  killed. 

"  I  estimate  that  probably  two  hundred  thousand  of  the 
rural  population  in  the  provinces  of  Pinar  del  Rio,  Havana, 
Matanzas  and  Santa  Clara  have  died  of  starvation  or 
from  resultant  causes ;  and  the  deaths  of  whole  families 
almost  simultaneously,  or  within  a  few  days  of  each  other, 
and  mothers  praying  for  their  children  to  be  relieved  of 
their  horrible  suffering  by  death,  are  not  the  least  of  the 
many  pitiable  scenes  which  were  ever  present." 

The  sufferings  of  the  reconcentrados  awakened  the 
sympathy  of  humanity.  Spain  yielded  to  the  awakened 
sentiment  of  the  Christian  nations,  and  removed  Weyler. 
After  nearly  four  hundred  years  of  injustice  in  Cuba,  her 
power  in  the  most  beautiful  land  that  eyes  ever  beheld 
had  been  overthrown. 

The  church  in  this  long  period  of  injustice  has  too  often 
stood  by  the  throne,  and  yet  out  of  it  have  come  patriot 
priests  like  Hidalgo  in  Mexico,  Beltran  of  the  Army  of 
the  Andes,  and  some  of  the  heroes  of  the  independence 
of  Peru.  These  patriot  priests  have  followed  the  principles 
of  Las  Casas,  one  of  the  most  noble  philanthropists  that 
ever  honored  the  cause  of  true  Christianity.  He  was  a 
Dominican  monk.  To  him  it  was  noble  to  be  noble, 
without  any  fear  of  punishment  or  hope  of  reward.  Las 
Casas  was  born  in  Seville  in  1474.  He  made  himself  the 
defender  of  the  rights  of  the  native  people  in  America, 
and  boldly  declared  that  any  war  waged  against  these 
people,  or  any  robbery  of  them  or  injustice  toward  them, 
because  they  were  regarded  as  "infidels,"  was  wrong. 
He  announced  that  Christianity  was  sufficient  for  their 
conversion,  and  he  brought  under  its  influence  a  most 
warlike  nation  in  Guatemala  by  the  simple  preaching  of 


PERSECUTIONS  OF  THE  NATIVE  AMERICAN  RACES      89 

the  gospel.  His  success  in  thus  winning  a  nation  awak- 
ened the  admiration  of  Pope  Paul  III.,  who  was  led  to 
issue  a  sentence  of  excommunication  against  any  "  who 
should  reduce  these  Indians  to  slavery,  or  rob  them  of 
their  goods."  Las  Casas  brought  a  golden  age  to  Guate- 
mala, as  Quetzalcohuatl,  the  legendary  St.  Thomas,  had 
to  the  ancient  Mexicans. 

We  have  seen  in  the  fate  of  Atahualpa  and  of  the  two 
Tupactmarus  what  the  native  races  were  called  upon  to 
endure  in  the  persons  of  their  chiefs.  Gonzalo  Pizarro 
was  of  the  same  spirit  as  his  brother.  He  tortured  the 
Indians  to  make  them  reveal  places  of  hidden  treasures. 
For  the  same  reason  he  burned  some  of  them,  and  caused 
others  to  be  torn  to  pieces  by  bloodhounds  trained  to 
feed  on  human  flesh.  De  Soto,  whose  heart  was  schooled 
in  these  Peruvian  barbarities,  pursued  the  same  course 
wherever  he  went.  He  landed  at  Tampa  with  horses 
mounted  with  gold,  but  with  bloodhounds  trained  to  tear 
to  pieces  the  native  inhabitants  who  should  oppose  his 
march  or  seek  to  hide  from  him  their  treasures.  He  robbed 
the  caciques,  or  native  kings  or  chiefs,  not  only  of  their 
goods,  but  of  the  beautiful  women  of  their  families. 

The  torture  of  Guatemotzin,  the  nephew  of  Montezuma 
II.  and  the  last  of  the  Aztecs,  illustrates  the  same  spirit 
of  cruelty.  He  had  been  promised  protection  by  Cortez. 
But  in  the  fall  of  the  City  of  Mexico  less  gold  was  found 
there  than  the  conquerors  had  expected,  and  the  captive 
monarch  was  suspected  of  having  hidden  the  royal  trea- 
sure. On  being  taken  captive,  he  had  said  to  Cortez :  "  I 
have  done  all  I  could  to  defend  my  people.  I  am  reduced 
to  this  state.  Better  despatch  me  with  your  poniard  and 
end  my  life  now."  "Fear  not,"  replied  Cortez.  "You 
have  defended  your  capital  bravely,  and  shall  be  treated 
with  honor.  A  Spaniard  knows  how  to  respect  the  valor 


90  SOUTH    AMERICA 

of  an  enemy."  In  the  rage  of  the  Spaniards  at  not  find- 
ing a  great  hoard  of  treasure  in  the  fallen  city,  he  was 
put  to  torture.  According  to  the  historic  monument,  his 
feet  were  placed  over  a  slow  fire.  He  bore  the  torture  in 
stoical  silence. 

The  cacique  of  Tacuba  was  tortured  with  him.  He 
confessed  to  a  knowledge  of  hidden  treasure.  They  re- 
leased him  to  find  it.  But  he  could  discover  none.  "  My 
only  motive  for  confessing,"  he  said,  "  was  the  hope  that 
I  might  die  on  the  road  to  the  place  that  I  named." 

The  cruelty  of  the  Spanish  rulers  fell  also  upon  the 
Creoles,  or  the  descendants  of  European  immigrants  who 
were  born  in  America.  Most  of  those  in  Latin  America 
were  of  Spanish  descent,  and  were  proud  of  their  ancestry 
and  of  the  glory  of  Spain.  They  believed  in  the  divine 
right  of  kings,  and  thought  that  the  throne  of  Spain 
could  do  no  wrong.  They  at  first  believed  that  the  will 
of  heaven  was  in  Spain's  triumphal  march  over  the  seas 
and  sierras.  For  two  centuries  they  bore  all  with  patience. 
They  were  deprived  of  their  rights,  were  heavily  taxed, 
were  compelled  to  toil  and  do  the  will  of  the  viceroy  for 
the  glory  of  Spain. 

The  struggles  for  independence  brought  out  all  the  cruel 
selfishness  and  intolerance  of  the  Spanish  national  char- 
acter. Larrazabal,  whom  we  have  much  quoted,  gives 
us  some  descriptions  of  the  inhumanity  of  the  war  in 
Venezuela.  General  Boves,  the  Spanish  commander  there, 
swore  that  he  would  exterminate  the  whole  American  race. 
In  1814,  and  later,  the  Spanish  army  there  entered  into 
his  spirit.  When  he  was  victorious  Boves  would  say  that 
he  had  gained,  and  when  he  was  defeated  he  would  say 
that  he  had  gained,  as  in  either  case  his  purpose  was  the 
destruction  of  the  American  race. 

Field- Marshal  Don  Francisco  Montalvo  reported  to  the 


PERSECUTIONS  OF  THE  NATIVE  AMERICAN  RACES     91 

minister  of  war  in  Spain,  in  1814,  as  follows:  "Don  Jose 
Tomas  Boves  and  those  who  follow  him  do  not  distinguish 
between  delinquents  and  innocents.  All  such  die  for  the 
crime  of  being  born  in  America." 

Larrazabal  says  of  the  massacre  of  Aragua :  "  Children 
were  murdered  on  the  very  breasts  of  their  mothers.  The 
same  knife  divided  the  heads  of  both."  Again:  "They 
were  flayed  alive,  and  then  thrown  into  poisonous  and 
pestilential  swamps." 

It  was  such  crimes  that  led  Simon  Bolivar  to  issue  his 
ever-to-be-regretted  proclamation  of  war  to  the  death. 
The  land  smoked  with  burning  houses ;  the  highways  were 
strewn  with  bodies  of  the  dead.  The  young,  the  old,  the 
mother,  the  daughter,  all  perished,  and  the  land  where 
Boves  marched  became  a  desolation.  Honor  counted  for 
nothing,  virtue  for  nothing,  in  those  days  when  the  smoke 
of  villages  turned  the  sun  into  darkness  and  when  rivers 
became  streams  of  blood. 

In  Peru  the  tragedy  went  on  for  centuries.  After  the 
first  Pizarro  came  Carbajal,  a  monster  so  cruel  that  he  was 
believed  to  have  had  a  "  familiar/'  or  to  have  been  pos- 
sessed of  an  evil  spirit.  He  was  guilty  of  the  death  of 
hundreds  of  political  offenders,  whom  he  delighted  to 
torture,  and  to  jeer  at  when  dying.  At  the  age  of  eighty- 
four  he  himself  was  condemned  to  death.  He  was  thrown 
into  a  basket  and  carried  to  execution  amid  jeers  as  heart- 
less as  those  he  had  been  accustomed  to  heap  upon  others. 

The  colonial  system  of  Spain  has  crumbled,  as  all  in- 
justice must,  by  the  law  of  its  own  gravitation.  To  Spain 
the  last  of  her  colonial  empires  is  lost;  the  Pearl  of  the 
Antilles  follows  the  example  of  Lima,  the  Pearl  of  the 
Pacific.  Cuba  ends  the  long  empire  of  injustice,  and  sets 
her  banner  in  the  line  of  the  republics  of  the  Sun. 

A  better  age  is  at  hand.     The  gates  of  the  twentieth  cen- 


92  SOUTH   AMERICA 

tury  are  opening,  and  through  them  are  to  pass  the  armies 
of  the  schools.  The  days  of  the  bull-fights  are  gone. 
The  times  of  persecution,  in  any  form,  are  already  a  part 
of  the  darkness  of  the  past.  Liberty  gives  to  man  his 
birthright.  The  end  of  liberty  is  justice,  and  the  end  of 
justice  is  peace.  The  deeds  of  Hernando  Cortez,  of  Pedro 
de  Alvarado,  of  Francisco  Pizarro  and  of  Philip  II.  will 
never  again  be  enacted  on  the  American  continent. 


CHAPTER   VIII 

THE  LIBERATING  ARMY  OF  THE  NORTH  — THE  TRI- 
UMPH OF  BOLIVAR— THE  BATTLE  OF  ARAURE— 
POTION  —  PIAR— BOLIVAR  ELECTED  PRESIDENT — 
THE  MARCH  OVER  THE  CORDILLERAS— THE  BAT- 
TLE OF  BOYACA— ANGOSTURA— COLOMBIA 

JET  us  repeat.  There  were  three  great  struggles  for 
L/  liberty  in  South  America— that  of  the  north  under 
Bolivar,  that  of  the  south  under  San  Martin,  and  that  of 
the  center  under  Sucre.  Bolivar  led  the  movement  of  the 
north. 

When  Miranda  lay  down  in  the  closet  he  had  a  new 
vision.  He  hoped  to  go  to  New  Granada  and  unite  his 
fortunes  with  the  liberal  government  there,  and,  old  as  he 
was,  make  a  new  struggle  for  South  American  liberty. 

Strangely  enough,  the  last  dream  of  the  unhappy 
Miranda  was  to  be  fulfilled  in  Bolivar,  who  had  become 
his  enemy.  Bolivar  took  up  the  work  of  liberation  that 
Miranda  had  left  uncompleted.  He  felt  that  this  was  his 
mission,  that  in  fulfilling  it  he  was  being  led  by  a  divinity. 
From  the  hour  when  he  took  the  hand  of  Rodriguez  on 
Monte  Sacro,  and  swore  to  devote  his  life  to  the  liberties 
of  his  country,  he  felt  that  to  accomplish  that  task  was  his 
destiny.  We  must  ever  judge  his  purpose  by  this  oath. 
If  he  committed  sins,  they  brought  their  punishment,  as  all 

93 


94  SOUTH   AMERICA 

sins  do.  They  made  his  life  less  successful  than  it  might 
have  been.  But  in  nearly  every  proclamation  that  he 
issued  he  recognized  the  Divine  Being  that  his  heart 
wished  to  follow.  He  made  himself  the  altar  of  liberty, 
and  at  last  laid  himself  upon  it. 

He  came  to  Venezuela  to  achieve  the  liberties  of  the 
people.  He  began  this  achievement  as  a  soldier  of 
Miranda.  He  failed  and  fled.  He  came  back  again  by 
the  way  of  New  Granada.  He  entered  Caracas  in  triumph. 
His  cause  seemed  to  fail,  but  it  had  made  progress.  He 
again  became  an  exile.  He  returned  by  the  way  of 
republican  New  Granada.  Again  he  entered  Caracas  in 
triumph.  The  cause  had  advanced.  But  he  failed  a 
second  time,  and  sought  refuge  in  the  island  of  Jamaica. 
Again  he  returned,  tie  became  the  hero  of  Boyaca  and 
Carabobo.  He  united  the  republics  of  New  Granada 
and  Venezuela.  He  swept  over  the  snowy  Cordilleras, 
and  added  Ecuador  to  the  growing  empire.  He  entered 
the  magical  atmosphere  of  Peru,  and  there  laid  the  foun- 
dations of  the  republic.  He  was  dictator,  president,  the 
inspiration  of  emancipation  and  liberty.  After  every  suc- 
cess and  seeming  failure  the  cause  of  freedom  in  the  Andes 
advanced.  Then  he  surrendered  all  to  the  cause,  and  died 
of  a  broken  heart ;  but  his  influence  in  the  world  still  grew. 
The  inspiration  that  filled  the  heart  of  the  young  traveler 
at  Monte  Sacro  will  never  cease  to  influence  his  countrymen. 

To  return  to  his  early  history,  a  new  theater  awaits  him 
now.  He  is  to  win  back  the  liberties  of  Venezuela,  but 
through  New  Granada. 

Beautiful  New  Granada!  It  bears  the  name  that  was 
the  pride  of  Spain,  of  the  historic  and  scenic  province  of 
the  Sierra  Nevada  and  the  Guadalquivir.  Spain  crowned 
this  viceroyalty  with  her  choicest  name.  She  might  well 
do  so.  The  Andes  have  a  loftier  brow  here  than  the 


THE   LIBERATING   ARMY   OF   THE    NORTH  95 

mountains  in  enthralling  Andalusia,  and  the  Magdalena 
moves  on  a  more  majestic  way  to  the  Caribbean  than 
does  the  Guadalquivir  to  the  Mediterranean.  Cartagena, 
like  another  Cadiz,  here  arose  on  the  margin  of  the  purple 
sea.  Spain  lavished  millions  upon  its  walls.  She  even 
built  walls  under  the  sea.  The  city  in  its  ruin,  with  the 
monasteries  and  convents  crowning  its  green  hills,  with 
its  yellow  walls  sixty  feet  thick, — walls  that  cost  so  much 
that  an  old  legend  reports  that  the  King  of  Spain  expected 
to  see  them  rising  over  the  sea, — with  its  ancient  church, 
with  its  quintas,  its  gardens  of  palms,  its  wildernesses  of 
all  floral  delights,  is  still  a  picture  of  Spain  in  the  New 
World.  The  republic  now  has  an  area  of  some  513,000 
square  miles,  and  a  population  of  three  millions,  of  whom 
nearly  one  half  are  of  European  origin.  Its  highest 
plateaus  rise  14,000  feet.  Its  mountain-crown  has  an 
altitude  of  18,200  feet.  From  this  sublime  range,  Nevada 
de  Tolma,  on  the  frontier  of  Ecuador,  the  Magdalena 
flows. 

The  ancient  city  of  Santa  Fe  de  Bogota  stands  above 
the  Magdalena,  on  a  plateau  8690  feet  high.  It  is  ap- 
proached from  the  Caribbean  by  steamboats  on  the  river, 
and  by  mules  from  the  shore.  The  Cordilleras  are  white 
with  snow,  and  the  valleys  are  green  with  verdure.  The 
products  of  all  climates  may  be  cultivated  here. 

The  republic  has  ever  had  a  liberal  heart.  Its  people 
are  given  to  literary  and  scientific  culture,  and  this  inspira- 
tion has  found  a  field  in  a  thousand  schools. 

New  Granada  was  erected  into  a  viceroyalty  of  Spain 
in  1718.  When  Napoleon  set  aside  Ferdinand  VIL,  and 
put  his  own  brother  Joseph  on  the  throne  of  Spain,  a 
republican  sentiment  began  to  develop  in  New  Granada, 
and  the  people  formed  a  government  of  their  own.  It 
united  with  Venezuela  and  Ecuador  to  form  a  northern 


96  SOUTH   AMERICA 

republic  under  Bolivar,  but  became  independent  of  the  union 
in  1858,  under  the  name  of  the  United  States  of  Colombia. 

History  now  follows  the  course  of  the  life  of  Bolivar, 
whom  the  patriotic  clubs  were  already  hailing  as  the 
Liberator.  We  have  seen  no  more  interesting  account  of 
this  period  of  Bolivar's  life  than  is  contained  in  a  review 
of  the  "  Historia  de  la  Revolucion  de  la  Repiiblica  de 
Colombia,  por  Jose  Manuel  Restrepo,  Secretario  del  In- 
terior del  Poder  Ejecutivo  de  la  misma  Republica,"  by  the 
Hon.  Caleb  Cushing.  It  appeared  in  the  "  North  Ameri- 
can Review"  for  January,  1829.  It  pictures  not  only 
the  military  movements  of  Bolivar,  but  the  animus  and 
methods  of  the  great  leader. 

After  the  disaster  at  Puerto  Cabello,  Bolivar  retired  to 
New  Granada,  and  his  life  from  this  date  is  portrayed  in 
a  single  paragraph  by  Mr.  Cushing:  "The  government  of 
Cartagena,  little  anticipating  the  brilliant  fortune  which 
awaited  Bolivar,  appointed  him  to  the  command  of  the 
little  station  Barranca,  within  the  district  committed  to 
the  adventurer  Labatut,  and,  of  course,  regularly  under 
his  orders.  But  the  active  spirit  of  Bolivar  prevented  his 
remaining  contented  in  the  obscurity  of  a  subordinate 
command,  and  led  him  to  undertake  of  his  own  authority 
a  movement  of  that  bold  conception  and  vigorous,  rapid 
execution  which  afterward  became  the  great  characteristic 
of  his  military  genius,  and  he  rose  to  be  the  trusted  leader 
of  the  armies  of  the  independence." 

Young  Bolivar  found  a  shelter  in  Cartagena,  the  strong- 
hold of  republicanism.  He  met  there  a  patriot  leader  who 
was  marching  upon  Santa  Marta.  He  offered  to  enlist 
under  him  as  a  private.  Bolivar's  patriotism  at  this  time 
found  expression  in  a  declaration  the  sincerity  of  which 
cannot  be  doubted,  and  which  merits  immortality :  "  / 
disregarded  rank  and  distinction,  because  I  aspired  to  a 


THE   LIBERATING   ARMY   OF   THE   NORTH  97 

more  honorable  destiny — to  shed  my  blood  for  the  liberty  of 
my  country!  " 

The  first  movement  of  Bolivar  was  the  key-note  of  the 
march  which  ended  in  Lima,  the  "  City  of  the  Kings." 
The  Spaniards  held  the  Magdalena,  and  the  Magdalena 
must  be  free.  His  movements  were  so  bold  and  swift  as 
to  take  the  enemy  at  a  disadvantage.  He  accomplished 
his  purpose,  and  won  the  approval  of  the  republic.  His 
name  in  New  Granada  became  a  star.  The  state  made 
him  a  general.  His  army  grew,  owing  to  his  magnetism. 
Having  freed  the  Magdalena  and  gained  other  successes, 
he  resolved  to  march  into  the  interior.  The  Spaniards,- 
who  boasted  that  they  would  not  respect  a  flag  of  truce, 
were  compelled  to  flee  before  him.  He  won  victory  after 
victory,  and  on  August  6,  1813,  entered  the  city  of  Cara- 
cas in  triumph,  amid  the  vivas  of  the  multitude. 

Larrazabal  vividly  describes  the  triumphal  entry  of  the 
Liberator  into  his  native  city.  "  Long  live  the  Liberator ! 
Long  live  New  Granada!  Long  live  the  savior  of 
Venezuela!"  was  shouted  by  a  concourse  of  more  than 
thirty  thousand  people.  Says  Larrazabal :  "  A  multitude 
of  beautiful  young  women,  dressed  in  white  and  bearing 
crowns  of  laurel,  pushed  their  way  through  the  crowds  to 
take  hold  of  the  bridle  of  his  horse.  Bolivar  dismounted, 
and  was  almost  overpowered  by  the  crowns  cast  upon  him. 
The  people  wept  for  joy." 

On  December  3,  1813,  the  patriots  encamped  on  the 
plain  of  Araure.  They  numbered  thirty-five  hundred 
men.  The  battle  that  followed  was  a  furious  one.  The 
fate  of  the  day  was  decided  by  a  sudden  and  unexpected 
movement  directed  by  the  Liberator.  The  enemy  was 
routed,  and  fled,  leaving  in  the  hands  of  the  patriots  one 
thousand  muskets,  ten  field-pieces,  four  flags  and  three 
thousand  prisoners. 


98  SOUTH   AMERICA 

Larrazabal  relates  an  incident  of  this  contest  which 
shows  the  spirit  of  true  heroes  who  have  been  vanquished. 
Few  stories  of  the  victories  of  the  vanquished  are  more 
thrilling  or  better  illustrate  the  unconquerable  power  of 
purpose.  "  At  the  battle  of  Araure,  memorable  feat  of 
arms,  in  which  the  most  intrepid  valor  was  crowned  with 
the  most  signal  victory,  all  the  soldiers,  officers  and  chiefs 
made  themselves  worthy  of  admiration ;  but  there  was 
a  battalion  which  was  particularly  distinguished  by  the 
conferring  of  the  title  of  '  Conquerors  of  Araure,'  and  to 
which  Bolivar  presented  a  flag.  What  was  the  motive  of 
such  an  honorable  distinction?  We  remember  that  at 
Barquisimeto  the  sound  alone  of  the  signal  of  retreat, 
executed  by  a  drummer,  placed  our  infantry  in  irreparable 
disorder,  the  extraordinary  efforts  of  the  general-in-chief 
and  his  brave  officers  not  being  sufficient  to  remedy  it. 
Of  the  relics  preserved  another  battalion  was  formed  at 
San  Carlos.  Bolivar,  who  had  been  extremely  irritated  by 
the  unpardonable  conduct  of  the  infantry,  gave  it  the  title 
of  '  Battalion  without  Name/  and  did  not  allow  it  a  flag 
until  it  should  win  it  on  the  battle-field.  The  '  Battalion 
without  Name,'  mortified  by  this  degrading  treatment, 
determined  to  gain  a  famous  name,  and  to  take  flags  from 
the  enemy.  At  Araure  it  composed  the  center.  Eight 
W  minutes  had  not  jranspjred  from  the  time'  they  opened 
their  fire  when  they  already  had  possession  of  a  flag,  throw- 
ing themselves  with  heroic  intrepidity  upon  the  triple 
Spanish  line  of  formidable  artillery,  infantry  and  cavalry. 
Bolivar,  who  beheld  them  perform  these  prodigies  of  valor, 
named  the  battalion  c  Conquerors  of  Araure,'  and  on  the 
day  following  the  victory,  in  a  review,  he  presented  them 
a  flag,  saying :  '  Soldiers,  your  bravery  yesterday  on  the 
field  of  battle  has  gained  a  name  for  your  corps,  and  in  the 
midst  of  the  fire,  when  I  beheld  you  triumphing,  I  pro- 


THE    LIBERATING   ARMY    OF   THE   NORTH  99 

claimed  you  "Conquerors  of  Araure."  You  have  taken 
flags  from  the  enemy  who  at  one  moment  was  victori- 
ous ;  you  have  gained  the  celebrated  one  called  the  "  In- 
vincible Numancia."  Carry,  soldiers,  this  flag  of  the 
republic.  I  am  certain  that  you  will  always  follow  it 
with  glory.  .  .  .' 

"  The  battalion  received  the  flag  from  the  hands  of  the 
Liberator  with  a  concert  of  joy  and  enthusiasm,  giving 
vivas  to  the  genius  of  victory." 

Boves  now  entered  the  field  for  Spain,  with  the  purpose 
of  killing  every  patriot  he  could  find,  and  striking  terror 
to  all  hearts  by  torture,  fire  and  merciless  deeds.  The 
patriot  cause  for  a  while  grew ;  but  eventually  Boves,  with 
Spanish  recruits,  defeated  Bolivar  at  La  Puerta,  and  the 
great  expectation  of  Venezuela  remained  unrealized. 

Bolivar  returned  to  New  Granada,  organized  a  new  army, 
and  continued' the  war  upon  the  coast.  The  war  became 
a  political  contest  with  his  rival  Castillo.  He  now  found 
himself  in  a  difficult  position,  owing  to  political  entangle- 
ments. He  seems  to  have  acted  unwisely.  He  was  forced 
to  conclude  a  treaty,  relinquished  the  command  of  the 
army  to  General  Palacios,  and  sailed  for  Jamaica,  May  8, 
1815.  But,  notwithstanding  these  disasters,  his  faith  in 
the  cause  was  not  lost.  He  was  ready  to  enter  the  field 
again  when  the  gate  of  opportunity  should  open. 

An  unsuccessful  attempt  to  assassinate  him  was  made 
at  Jamaica.  A  negro  was  engaged  to  do  the  deed.  On 
the  night  appointed  another  man  chanced  to  sleep  in 
Bolivar's  bed,  and  received  the  dagger-thrust  intended  for 
the  Liberator. 

Bolivar,  restless  and  ill  at  ease,  now  went  to  Aux-Cayes. 
He  found  sympathy  there  in  the  negro  republic.  He 
began  to  organize  a  new  expedition  for  the  emancipation 
of  Venezuela.  He  desired  to  return  there  and  again  place 


100  SOUTH    AMERICA 

himself  at  the  head  of  the  patriots  who  were  struggling  to 
maintain  the  cause  of  independence. 

Bolivar  furnishes  one  of  the  most  notable  examples  of 
persistency  of  purpose  in  all  history.  If  one  opportunity 
failed,  he  waited  for  a  greater  one.  At  this  time,  when 
so  much  seemed  lost,  his  vision  of  what  America  might  be 
grew  more  and  more  clear.  "  I  desire,"  he  said,  "  to  see 
in  America  the  greatest  nation  in  the  world,  famed  less 
for  its  extension  and  riches  than  for  its  glory  and  liberty. 
America  can  sustain  seventeen  nations.  The  states  from 
the  Isthmus  of  Panama  to  Guatemala  shall  form  an  asso- 
ciation. This  magnificent  position  between  the  two  great 
oceans  shall  be  in  turn  the  emporium  of  the  world.  Its 
canals  shall  -shorten  the  distances  of  the  earth.  How  grand 
would  it  be  if  the  Isthmus  of  Panama  could  be  to  us  what 
Corinth  was  to  the  Greeks !  God  grant  that  we  may  some 
day  have  the  fortune  of  convening  there  an  august  con- 
gress of  the  representatives  of  the  republics,  kingdoms 
and  empires  to  discuss  the  all-important  interests  of  peace 
and  war  with  the  nations  of  the  world!" 

Bolivar  now  met  the  immortal  apostle  of  liberty,  Alex- 
andre  Petion,  President  of  Hayti.  This  man,  whose  name 
is  forever  beloved  by  the  negro  race,  was  born  at  Port  au 
Prince  in  1770.  He  was  well  educated.  He  had  lived  in 
France  at  the  period  of  the  rise  of  Napoleon.  On  return- 
ing to  Hayti  he  had  entered  with  a  true  and  noble  sym- 
pathy into  the  cause  of  his  race.  After  the  overthrow  of 
Toussaint  L'Ouverture  he  entered  into  the  plans  of  Des- 
salines  in  the  demand  for  the  independence  of  his  country. 
He  became  the  idol  of  the  Haytians.  He  was  elected 
President,  and  later  was  reflected.  On  the  achievement 
of  liberty  in  Hayti  he  believed  that  the  mission  of  his  life 
was  accomplished. 

When  Bolivar  and  Petion  met,  the  latter  was  affected 


THE   LIBERATING    ARMY    OF   THE   NORTH  IOI 

to  tears,  and  said:  "  Que  le  bon  Dieu  vous  benir  dans 
toutes  vos  entreprises!  "  He  rendered  Bolivar  all  the 
aid  in  his  power  toward  the  fitting  out  of  the  expedi- 
tion for  the  recovery  of  Venezuela.  The  Liberator  speaks 
thus  of  this  man :  "  His  first  quality  was  kindness,  and 
kindness  is  that  human  virtue  that  does  most  honor  to 
a  man."  "  I  shall  always  pay  my  tribute  to  that  great 
man,"  said  Petion  of  Bolivar.  "  I  feel  toward  him 
as  toward  the  noble  minds  of  antiquity."  He  saw  in 
Bolivar  a  man  who  could  advance  the  interests  of  his  own 
race.  "  When  your  expedition  shall  land  in  Venezuela," 
he  said  to  Bolivar,  "  free  the  slaves.  For  how  can  you 
found  a  republic  where  slavery  exists?" 

Bolivar  himself  had  the  same  thought  and  purpose.  On 
landing  in  Venezuela  he  freed  his  own  slaves,  and  issued 
a  proclamation  giving  freedom  to  the  slaves  of  the  country. 

He  devoted  the  resources  of  his  own  property  to  this 
new  expedition.  He  collected  some  six  ships,  and  an 
army  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  exiles.  With  these  he  set 
forth,  for  the  third  time,  for  the  emancipation  of  Venezuela. 
He  landed  at  Margarita.  Here  he  captured  two  Spanish 
vessels,  and  was  hailed  by  the  people  as  chief.  He  issued 
a  proclamation  announcing  the  third  period  of  the  republic. 
He  penetrated  into  the  interior,  his  army  gathering  force. 
His  name  was  an  inspiration.  He  returned  to  Hayti  to 
organize  a  new  expedition  among  the  islanders.  He  saw 
that  the  new  liberation  must  come  in  part  from  the  islands. 
The  republic  of  Hayti  had  fprced  upon  the  amiable  Petion, 
by  acclamation,  the  title  of  "  Chief  for  life."  The  latter 
entered  again  into  the  cause  of  Bolivar,  but  under  the 
limitations  of  international  law.  Bolivar  organized  a  new 
force,  and  again  landed  at  Margarita,  and  there  again 
issued  a  proclamation  to  the  Venezuelan  patriots,  calling 
upon  them  to  convene  a  congress  at  Margarita :  "  Vene- 


IO2  SOUTH    AMERICA 

zuelans,  name  your  deputies  to  Congress.  The  island  of 
Margarita  is  completely  free.  In  it  your  assemblies  shall 
be  respected  and  defended  by  a  people  who  are  heroes  in 
virtue,  in  valor  and  in  patriotism.  Assemble  on  this  sacred 
soil,  organize,  open  your  sessions.  The  first  act  of  your 
functions  may  be  the  acceptance  of  my  resignation.  Mar- 
garita, December  28,  1816." 

On  January  i,  1817,  Bolivar  landed  at  Barcelona,  never 
again  to  be  driven  from  the  country.  This  time  he  was 
to  organize  a  movement  that  should  give  liberty  to  the 
New  World.  His  great  opportunity  had  now  come.  The 
country  was  ripe  for  a  new  struggle  for  emancipation. 
The  people  were  driven  to  desperation  by  the  barbarity 
of  the  Spanish  rule. 

Though  now  but  the  leader  of  small  bodies  of  men,  he 
wrote  to  General  Palacios  on  January  2,  1817:  "The 
troops  of  Urdaneta  have  joined  those  of  Zaraza.  When 
this  army  shall  have  the  arms  it  needs,  and  joins  our 
forces,  there  will  be  formed  a  mass  of  ten  thousand  men. 
We  shall  be  able  to  march  to  Santa  Fe  and  Peru,  and 
liberate  those  provinces  from  the  yoke  of  the  tyrants  that 
oppress  them." 

The  patriots  in  most  places  were  disposed  to  hail  Bolivar 
as  their  chief,  and  to  seek  his  will  and  direction.  His  posi- 
tion at  Barcelona  was  a  perilous  one.  Marino,  the  patriot 
general  of  the  south,  who  saw  Bolivar's  danger,  brought 
to  him  twelve  hundred  men.  "  I  have  come  to  embrace 
the  Liberator  of  the  liberator,"  said  Marino's  principal 
general,  on  meeting  Bolivar. 

The  liberating  army  now  marched  into  the  interior  by 
the  way  of  the  Orinoco,  where  a  part  of  the  patriot  forces 
were  contending,  near  Angostura.  Left  with  but  a  small 
protection,  Barcelona  was  besieged  by  the  Spanish  general 
Aldama,  and  was  compelled  to  surrender.  The  Spaniards 


THE    LIBERATING    ARMY    OF   THE    NORTH          .103 

massacred  nearly  seven  hundred  soldiers,  more  than  three 
hundred  old  men,  women  and  children,  and  fifty  invalids 
in  the  hospital.  The  cruelties  of  this  slaughter  are  inde- 
scribable. 

The  clouds  darkened  again  about  Bolivar.  Barcelona 
was  ruined.  Marino  withdrew  dissatisfied.  Morillo,  the 
Spanish  general,  had  returned  from  the  kingdom  of  Santa 
Fe  resolved  on  the  total  extermination  of  the  patriots.  Piar, 
a  signally  successful  general,  conspired  against  Bolivar. 

Thus  the  cause  of  independence  in  Venezuela  had  lived 
amid  many  vicissitudes.  Bolivar  may  have  made  mistakes, 
but  the  patriots  believed  in  his  patriotism.  He  had  re- 
turned to  Venezuela  without  substantial  authority,  but  the 
patriot  cause  had  again  turned  to  him  for  leadership.  As 
soon  as  he  returned  the  patriots  felt  that  they  were  again 
a  republic.  The  Spanish  army  under  Morillo  was  yet 
powerful,  but  the  desire  of  the  people  was  for  liberty,  and 
Simon  Bolivar  was  looked  upon  as  the  man  providentially 
appointed  to  lead  their  cause. 

Manuel  Carlos  Piar,  a  soldier  of  Cura9ao,  West  Indies, 
was  born  in  1 782.  His  youth  was  spent  in  hardship.  He 
engaged  in  trade  with  Venezuela,  and  there  came  to  meet 
the  patriot  Miranda.  He  entered  the  patriot  army  of 
Venezuela  as  a  lieutenant.  Although  a  soldier  under 
Marino,  he  engaged  in  a  conspiracy  against  him  and 
Bolivar.  After  the  Spanish  successes  he  left  the  country 
for  the  islands.  Bolivar  forgave  his  treachery.  In  1816 
he  joined  the  expedition  of  Bolivar  from  Hayti,  and  was 
made  a  major-general  of  the  invading  army.  He  gained 
a  great  victory  at  San  Felix,  April,  1817.  He  again 
entered  into  a  conspiracy  against  Bolivar,  and  sought  to 
overthrow  him  and  supplant  him.  He  was  condemned 
to  death  by  a  court  martial,  and  was  shot  at  Angostura, 
October  16,  1817. 


104  SOUTH    AMERICA 

Bolivar  has  been  censured  for  the  death  of  Piar,  but 
he  sought  to  save  him  from  both  treachery  and  death. 
He  remembered  San  Felix,  and  exercised  a  great  mag- 
nanimity toward  this  brilliant  but  vain  and  ambitious  man, 
who  had  twice  become  his  enemy. 

The  Liberator,  on  the  day  following  the  death  of  Piar, 
issued  a  proclamation : 

"  SOLDIERS  :  Yesterday  was  a  day  of  pain  for  my  heart. 
General  Piar  was  executed  for  his  crimes  of  high  treason, 
conspiracy  and  desertion.  A  just  and  legal  tribunal  pro- 
nounced the  sentence  against  that  unfortunate  citizen, 
who,  intoxicated  by  the  favors  of  fortune,  and  to  satiate 
his  ambition,  attempted,  to  ruin  the  country.  General 
Piar  really  had  done  important  services  to  the  republic, 
and  although  the  course  of  his  conduct  had  always  been 
mutinous,  his  services  were  bountifully  rewarded  by  the 
government  of  Venezuela. 

"  Nothing  was  left  to  be  desired  by  a  chief  who  had 
obtained  the  highest  grades  of  the  army.  The  second 
authority  of  the  republic,  which  was  vacant  by  the  dissi- 
dence  of  General  Marino,  was  to  be  conferred  on  him 
before  his  rebellion;  but  he  aspired. to  the  supreme  com- 
mand, and  formed  a  purpose  the  most  atrocious  that  can 
be  conceived.  Not  only  had  Piar  intended  civil  war,  but 
also  anarchy,  and  the  most  inhuman  sacrifice  of  his  own 
companions  and  brethren. 

"  Soldiers !  You  know  it.  Equality,  liberty  and  inde- 
pendence are  our  motto.  Has  not  humanity  recovered 
her  rights  by  our  laws?  Have  not  our  arms  broken  the 
chains  of  the  slaves?  Has  not  the  hateful  difference  of 
classes  and  colors  been  abolished  forever?  Have  not  the 
national  moneys  been  ordered  to  be  divided  among  you  ? 
Do  not  fortune  and  glory  await  you?  Are  not  your 


OF  THB 

UNIVERSITY 


THE   LIBERATING   ARMY   OF   THE   NORTH          105 

merits  abundantly  rewarded,  or  at  least  justly?  What, 
then,  did  General  Piar  want  for  you  ?  Are  you  not  equal, 
free,  independent,  happy  and  honored  ?  Could  Piar  obtain 
for  you  greater  wealth?  No,  no,  no.  The  tomb  was 
being  opened  by  Piar  with  his  own  hands,  to  bury  in 
it  the  life,  the  wealth,  the  honor  of  the  brave  defenders 
of  the  liberty  of  Venezuela,  their  children,  wives  and 
fathers.  .  .  . 

"Soldiers!  Heaven  watches  for  your  well-being,  and 
the  government,  which  is  your  father,  is  vigilant  in  your 
behalf.  Your  chief,  who  is  your  companion  in  arms,  who 
is  always  at  your  head,  and  has  participated  in  your  perils 
and  privations,  as  also  in  your  victories,  confides  in  you ; 
rely  then  on  him,  sure  that  he  loves  you  more  than  if 
even  he  were  your  father  or  your  son. 

"  SIMON  BOLIVAR. 

"  HEADQUARTERS  OF  ANGOSTURA, 

"October  17,  1817." 

These  words  reveal  the  spirit  of  Bolivar.  We  cannot 
doubt  Bolivar's  sincerity.  The  execution  of  Piar  caused 
him  as  much  suffering  as  that  of  Major  Andre  caused 
Washington. 

Bolivar  now  convened  a  Council  of  State  at  Angostura. 
He  there  organized  a  government,  gave  himself  to  the 
creation  of  a  new  republican  sentiment,  and  formed  a  new 
army. 

The  Council  of  State  at  Angostura  provided  for  the 
election  of  a  Congress.  The  representatives  of  the  people 
to  this  Congress  met  there  on  January  iv  of  the  eventful 
year  1819.  Bolivar  was  elected  President  with  dictatorial 
power. 

What  should  be  the  next  movement  in  this  long  contest  ? 
"  Fabius  was  prudent,  I  am  impetuous,"  said  Bolivar, 
on  being  compelled,  after  the  Congress  of  Angostura,  to 


106  SOUTH    AMERICA 

adopt  the  Fabian  policy  of  wearing  out  an  enemy  by 
delay. 

The  contest  with  the  Spanish  general  Morillo,  on  the 
plains,  had  moved  slowly,  and  Bolivar  was  not  constituted 
for  a  campaign  whose  end  was  exhaustion.  He  said  at 
Angostura :  "  Granadians,  Venezuela  with  me  marches 
to  liberate  you,  as  you  with  me  marched  to  liberate  Vene- 
zuela. The  sun  shall  not  complete  its  annual  period 
without  beholding  raised  in  all  your  territory  the  altars  of 
liberty." 

There  seemed  to  come  to  Bolivar  a  new  and  sudden 
inspiration.  He  decided  to  cross  the  Granadian  Andes, 
the  mountain  heights  of  winter  and  storm  and  desert, 
depose  the  viceroy,  and  restore  to  Granada  her  lost  liber- 
ties. He  would  then  reconquer  Venezuela. 

The  war  in  Venezuela  stopped,  or  consisted  only  of 
movements  to  wear  out  the  power  of  Morillo.  Bolivar 
looked  up  to  the  rainy  Andes,  shadowed  with  clouds. 
He  gave  the  first  order  to  his  army  to  begin  the  ascent 
of  the  Cordilleras,  an  order  that  caused  even  some  of  the 
llaneros  to  shrink  and  to  desert.  Those  who  watched 
the  movement  said  with  wonder,  "Whither  go  they?" 

The  march  through  the  desert  altitudes,  in  winter 
weather,  with  the  half-naked  troops  of  the  plains,  was 
arduous  and  perilous.  The  fiery  faith  of  Bolivar  in  the 
power  of  the  human  will  here  found  its  most  magnificent 
expression.  His  soul  rose  superior  to  all  difficulties.  In 
the  clouded  plains  of  the  heights  he  led  a  dying  army, 
but  the  men  followed  him. 

On  the  25th  of  May  he  issued  a  manifesto  of  the  liberty 
of  Granada.  On  the  22d  of  June  he  left  the  plains  of 
Casanare.  He  ascended  the  heights  almost  without  food 
and  shelter.  His  cavalry  in  part  vanished  where  it  seemed 
that  only  the  mules  could  live. 


THE   LIBERATING   ARMY    OF   THE   NORTH          107 

He  descended  and  met  the  Granadian  army,  which  hailed 
him  like  one  bringing  an  army  from  the  skies.  He  said 
to  these  heroes  of  liberty :  "  In  your  midst  you  now  have 
an  army  of  friends  and  benefactors,  and  the  God  of  suf- 
fering humanity  will  grant  victory  to  our  redeeming 
arms." 

On  the  25th  of  July  he  met  the  Spanish  general  Bar- 
reiro  in  the  open  field.  Bolivar  had  left  behind  no  way  of 
retreat.  He  led  his  troops  in  person.  His  voice  was  a 
trumpet-tone.  He  was  victorious  against  a  disciplined 
army.  The  Spaniards  Jost  five  hundred  men,  and  left 
their  flags,  muskets  and  ammunition  in  the  hands  of  the 
patriots. 

Granada  rose  to  receive  the  liberating  army,  which  grew 
by  reinforcements.  What  this  army  had  suffered  and 
endured  for  the  cause  became  an  inspiration.  The  in- 
vading army  followed  Barreiro  in  his  retreat,  and  came 
to  Boyaca.  Here  it  compelled  Rarreiro  again  to  try  the 
fortunes  of  war.  Barreiro  '  had  three  thousand  men, 
Bolivar  two  thousand,  but  the  latter  had  the  spirit  of 
freedom,  and  every  man  was  as  two.  To  Anzoatequi,  a 
personal  friend  of  Bolivar,  who  loved  the  latter  as  a 
brother  and  reverenced  him  almost  as  a  god,  was  intrusted 
the  direction  of  this  great  battle.  He  inspired  the  men 
with  his  own  spirit.  He  surrounded  body  after  body  of 
the  enemy,  until  the  cavalry  began  to  fly.  The  army 
broke,  and  Barreiro  found  it  impossible  to  rally  it.  He 
himself  became  lost  as  if  in  a  whirlwind,  and  was  taken 
prisoner.  The  officers  were  nearly  all  made  prisoners, 
together  with  sixteen  hundred  soldiers,  their  artillery  and 
arms.  The  friend  of  Bolivar  slept  that  night  on  the  field 
.of  battle  under  the  moon  and  stars.  Bolivar  marched  to 
Bogota  in  triumph,  and  entered  the  astonished  city,  from 
which  the  viceroy  had  fled. 


108  SOUTH   AMERICA 

He  issued  a  manifesto  which  is  a  history,  and  rings  in 
harmony  with  the  event  that  it  celebrated : 

"  HEADQUARTERS  OF  SANTA  FE,  August  14,  1819. 

"  Simon  Bolivar,  President  of  the  Republic,  Captain- Gen- 
eral of  the  Armies  of  Venezuela  and  New  Granada, 
etc.,  to  his  Excellency  the  Vice- President  of  the  Re- 
public: 

"  From  the  moment  that  I  conceived  the  project  of 
advancing  my  marches  to  the  interior  of  this  kingdom, 
I  knew  that  an  alarming  fear  would  put  in  action  all 
the  resources  of  the  Spanish  authorities.  In  effect,  this 
idea,  based  on  the  experience  of  my  observations,  was  more 
confirmed  when,  in  the  states  which  were  under  the  power 
of  the  viceroy  Don  Juan  Samano,  I  found  that  a  superior 
force,  well  organized  and  disciplined,  was  the  wall  against 
which  it  was  intended  that  the  brave  liberating  army  should 
perish. 

"  I  calculated,  notwithstanding,  that  the  abundance  of 
evils  with  which  these  people  had  been  and  still  were 
afflicted  should  have  prepared  their  minds  to  embrace  with 
pleasure  their  heroic  defenders.  And,  in  truth,  scarcely 
had  I  taken  the  first  steps  on  this  side  of  the  mountains 
which  divide  the  plains  from  the  hilly  country  bounding 
the  province  of  Casanare,  when  I  heard  resound  before 
me  the  blessings  of  some  men  who  awaited  my  arms  with 
all  the  enthusiasm  of  liberty,  as  a  remedy  for  the  calamities 
and  misfortunes  which  had  carried  them  to  the  last  degree 
of  exasperation. 

"  An  experienced  chief,  at  the  head  of  an  army  of  four 
or  five  thousand  men,  is  the  first  thing  which  presents 
itself  to  me  on  the  battle-field.  The  General  Don  Jose 
Maria  Barreiro,  charged  with  its  direction,  drains  all  his 


THE   LIBERATING   ARMY   OF   THE   NORTH          109 

resources.  The  discipline  of  his  troops,  his  fine  organiza- 
tion, the  advantageous  position  he  occupied,  and  the 
abundance  of  resources  he  had  opportunely  prepared  for 
himself,  caused  me  to  believe  that  this  enterprise  was  only 
proper  to  the  intrepidity  and  bravery  of  the  republican  arms. 
"  The  battle  of  Boyaca,  the  complete  victory  which  I 
have  just  obtained,  has  decided  the  fate  of  these  inhabi- 
tants, and  after  having  destroyed  the  army  of  the  king  I 
have  flown  to  this  capital." 

Bolivar,  now  master  of  the  two  republics,  returned  to 
Venezuela  with  the  purpose  of  uniting  them  and  forming 
the  one  republic  of  Colombia. 

The  return  of  Bolivar  to  Angostura  is  thus  dramatically 
described  by  Larrazabal :  "  On  the  day  of  his  arrival  at 
Angostura  Baralt  affirms  that  Bolivar  appeared  in  the 
Hall  of  Congress.  This  is  untrue.  On  the  nth  he  did 
not  leave  the  house,  receiving  there  the  compliments  of 
his  friends;  the  I2th  he  passed  in  seclusion,  if  not  from 
sickness,  at  least  suffering  the  fatigues  of  continued  travel ; 
the  1 3th,  in  virtue  of  an  official  notice,  from  the  minister 
of  the  interior  to  the  secretary  of  the  Congress,  announ- 
cing that  the  Liberator,  President  of  the  republic,  would 
proceed  personally  to  present  to  the  National  Assembly 
the  homage  of  the  victories  obtained  under  his  command 
in  New  Granada,  and  the  unanimous  wish  of  those  people 
for  political  reunion  with  Venezuela,  an  extraordinary 
session  was  appointed  at  twelve  o'clock  of  the  follow- 
ing day ;  and  as  there  were  no  ceremonies  prepared  for  the 
reception  of  the  Liberator,  the  Congress  busied  itself  on 
the  morning  of  the  I4th  in  considering  what  should  be 
observed  in  such  an  act. 

"At  midday  of  the  I4th  the  Congress  was  convened, 


IIO  SOUTH    AMERICA 

and  the  president,  at  that  time  Senator  Zea,  appointed  a 
committee  which,  preceded  by  a  military  band,  should 
proceed  to  congratulate  his  Excellency,  and  accompany 
him  to  the  Hall  of  the  Sessions. 

"  Three  cannon  announced  the  march  of  Bolivar  from 
his  house.  On  entering  the  square  before  the  Congress 
he  was  saluted  with  twenty-one  rounds. 

"  The  Congress  in  a  body  went  out  to  receive  him  out- 
side the  railing,  and  the  president,  by  a  singular  demon- 
stration, ceded  him  the  chief  seat,  and  said  to  him :  '  Your 
Excellency  has  the  floor.  Congress  awaits  and  desires  to 
hear  you/  Bolivar  made  a  profound  bow  to  the  assembly, 
and  said :  '  On  entering  this  august  place  my  first  feeling 
is  that  of  gratitude  for  the  infinite  honor  which  Congress 
has  thought  proper  to  confer  upon  me,  allowing  me  to 
return  to  occupy  this  chair,  which  scarcely  a  year  ago  I 
ceded  to  the  president  of  the  representatives  of  the  people. 
When,  undeservedly  and  against  my  strongest  feelings,  I 
was  invested  with  the  executive  power  at  the  beginning  of 
this  year,  I  represented  to  the  sovereign  body  that  my  pro- 
fession, my  character  and  my  talents  were  incompatible 
with  the  functions  of  the  magistrate ;  thus,  separated  from 
these  duties,  I  left  their  performance  to  the  vice-president, 
and  only  took  upon  myself  the  charge  of  directing  the 
war.  I  afterward  marched  against  the  Army  of  the  West, 
at  whose  head  was  General  Morillo.  At  the  approach  of 
winter  General  Morillo  abandoned  the  plain  of  Araure, 
and  I  judged  that  the  liberty  of  New  Granada  would  pro- 
duce more  advantages  to  the  republic  than  the  completion 
of  that  of  Venezuela. 

"  *  It  would  be  lengthy  to  detail  to  the  Congress  the 
efforts  made  by  the  troops  of  the  liberating  army.  The 
winter  on  the  inundated  plains,  the  frozen  summits  of 
the  Andes,  the  sudden  change  of  climate,  a  warlike  army 


THE    LIBERATING   ARMY   OF   THE   NORTH          1 1  I 

thrice  our  superior,  and  in  possession  of  the  best  military 
localities  of  South  America,  and  many  other  obstacles  we 
had  to  surmount  at  Paya,  Gameza,  Vargas,  Boyaca  and 
Popayan,  to  liberate  in  less  than  three  months  twelve 
provinces  of  New  Granada. 

"  '  I  recommend  to  the  national  sovereignty  the  merit 
of  these  great  services  on  the  part  of  my  intrepid  com- 
panions in  arms,  who,  with  an  unexampled  constancy, 
underwent  mortal  privations,  and,  with  a  valor  unequaled 
in  the  annals  of  Venezuela,  conquered  and  captured  the 
army  of  the  king. 

"  '  But  it  is  not  only  to  the  liberating  army  that  we  owe 
the  advantages  acquired.  The  people  of  New  Granada 
have  shown  themselves  worthy  of  being  free.  Their  effi- 
cacious cooperation  repaired  our  losses  and  increased  our 
forces.  This  generous  people  have  offered  all  their  prop- 
erty and  their  lives  on  the  altars  of  the  country.  Their 
desire  for  the  union  of  their  provinces  to  the  provinces  of 
Venezuela  is  also  unanimous.  The  Granadians  are  thor- 
oughly convinced  of  the  immense  advantage  which  will  re- 
sult to  one  and  the  other  people  by  the  creation  of  a  new 
republic  composed  of  these  two  nations.  The  reunion  of 
New  Granada  and  Venezuela  is  the  only  object  which  I 
have  entertained  since  my  first  battle.  It  is  the  vote  of 
the  citizens  of  both  countries,  and  it  is  the  guaranty  of 
the  liberty  of  South  America. 

" '  Legislators !  The  moment  of  giving  a  fixed  and 
eternal  base  to  our  republic  has  arrived.  To  decree  this 
great  social  act,  and  to  establish  the  principles  upon  which 
will  be  founded  this  vast  republic,  belong  to  your  wisdom. 
Proclaim  it  to  the  world,  and  my  services  will  be  amply 
rewarded.' 

"  When  the  Liberator  pronounced  this  sentence,  the  Senor 
Zea  stood  up,  full  of  inspiration  and  patriotism,  and  said : 


112  SOUTH    AMERICA 

'  Imagination,  sirs,  does  not  reach  that  which  the  hero  of 
Venezuela  has  done  since  he  left  this  august  Congress 
installed.  The  undertaking  of  crossing  the  Andes  with  an 
army  fatigued  by  so  long  and  painful  a  campaign — this 
daring  undertaking,  during  the  rigor  of  the  rainy  season 
and  hurricanes,  appeared  so  extraordinary  that  the  enemy 
believed  it  to  be  a  military  delirium.  Nature  being  con- 
quered, further  opposition  was  met  with  in  an  army  three 
times  more  numerous,  well  provided,  posted  on  that 
frontier,  and  always  fighting  in  advantageous  positions, — 
Gameza,  Vargas,  Bonza,  Boyaca, — under  the  orders  of  a 
general  as  able  as  he  was  experienced.  But  all  yields  to 

_the  rapid  and  terrible  impetus  of  the  soldiers  of  the  inde- 
pendence.    Scarcely  can  victory  keep  up  with  the  victor, 
4  and  in  less  than  three  months  the  principal  and  main  por- 
tion of  New  Granada  has  been  freed  by  these  same  troops, 

'whose  complete  destruction  was  held  by  the  viceroy  of 
Santa  Fe  to  be  sure  and  inevitable. 

" '  And  what  man  sensible  of  the  sublime  and  great, 
what  country  capable  of  appreciating  lofty  names,  will  not 
pay  to  the  name  of  Bolivar  the  tribute  of  enthusiasm  due 
to  so  much  audacity  and  to  such  superhuman  prodigies? 
To  have  carried  the  lightning  of  the  arms  and  the  ven- 
geance of  Venezuela  from  the  shores  of  the  Atlantic  to 
those  of  the  Pacific ;  to  have  hoisted  the  standard  of  liberty 
upon  the  Andes  of  the  east  and  west ;  to  have  snatched 
away  twelve  provinces  from  the  Inquisition  and  tyranny ; 
to  have  caused  to  reecho  from  the  burning  plains  of 
Casanare  to  the  frozen  summits  of  the  mountains  of 
Ecuador,  an  extension  of  forty  thousand  square  leagues, 
the  heroic  cry  of  liberty  or  death,  which  each  time  the 
people  repeat  with  fresh  energy  and  more  intrepid  reso- 
lution— will  it  not  be  admired?  And  the  genius  to 
whom  this  is  due,  will  he  not  obtain  the  reward  he  ex- 


THE    LIBERATING   ARMY    OF   THE   NORTH  113 

pects  ?  What !  shall  he  not  attain  the  union  of  the  people 
whom  he  has  freed  and  is  still  freeing?  If  Quito,  Santa 
Fe  and  Venezuela  are  joined  in  one  sole  republic,  who  can  . 
calculate  the  power  and  prosperity  corresponding  to  such 
an  immense  mass?  May  heaven  bless  this  union,  whose 
consolidation  is  the  object  of  all  my  vigilance  and  the  most 
ardent  desire  of  my  heart.' 

"  The  Liberator  replied  to  the  discourse  of  Zea,  attribut- 
ing the  glory  of  the  redemption  of  New  Granada  to  the 
valor  and  intrepidity  of  the  troops,  to  the  sublime  enthu- 
siasm of  the  people,  and  to  the  ability  and  heroism  of  the 
chiefs,,  among  whom  he  distinguished  the  English  colonel 
Rook  and  the  general  of  division,  Anzoatequi.  He  also 
made  an  honorable  commemoration  of  the  distinguished 
patriotism  of  the  secular  and  regular  clergy  of  New 
Granada,  who  were  convinced  that  the  independence  of 
America  would  extend  the  empire  of  religion  and  would 
give  it  new  brilliance  and  splendor." 

The  motion  creating  the  Republic  of  Colombia  was  ap- 
proved by  Congress  on  December  17,  1819.  The  president 
of  the  Congress  announced,  "  The  Republic  of  Colombia 
is  constituted!"  To  the  presidency  of  this  new  republic 
General  Simon  Bolivar  was  unanimously  elected. 


CHAPTER    IX 

THE    BATTLE    OF    CARABOBO— PAEZ— THE    LIBERTY    OF 
THE   NORTH— THE    MAGNANIMITY    OF   BOLIVAR 

EARLY  in  the  year  1821  an  armistice  had  been  pro- 
claimed. Morillo  had  gone  to  Havana,  leaving  the 
army  under  the  command  of  General  La  Torre.  On 
March  10,  1821,  Bolivar  informed  General  La  Torre  that 
hostilities  were  about  to  be  resumed.  Bolivar  was  now 
at  the  head  of  a  splendid  army.  His  forces,  gathered  in 
Venezuela,  amounted  to  fifteen  thousand  men.  Among 
these  were  the  fiery  llaneros  and  two  thousand  European 
troops. 

The  Spaniards  had  taken  position  at  Carabobo,  a  village 
on  the  high  Andes,  near  the  beautiful  city  of  Valencia,  a 
sister  city  of  Caracas.  The  port  of  Valencia  is  Puerto 
Cabello. 

On  June  24  a  part  of  the  Colombian  army,  eight  thou- 
sand strong,  appeared  before  the  enemy.  Bolivar  believed 
that  the  future  of  liberty  in  South  America  depended 
upon  this  battle.  He  moved  cautiously.  He  called  a 
council  of  war  and  advised  care  in  so  great  a  peril.  /  One 
of  his  trusty  guides  heard  what  he  had  said.  The  guide 
came  up  to  him  and  said  in  a  low  tone :  "  I  know  a  foot- 
path by  means  of  which  a  body  of  men  could  move  unseen 
and  turn  the  Spaniards'  right."  Bolivar  knew  the  man 
well.  What  he  had  suggested  was  the  need  of  the  hour. 

114 


THE    LIBERTY    OF   THE    NORTH  115 

"  General  Paez,"  Bolivar  said,  "  follow  the  guide!"  Paez 
went  forth,  followed  by  strong  columns  of  cavalry.  That 
order  won  the  battle  of  Carabobo. 

The  path  over  which  the  faithful  guide  led  the  division 
was  almost  impassable.  The  foot-soldiers  were  obliged 
to  tear  up  their  clothing  in  order  to  make  bandages  foe 
their  bleeding  feet.  The  battalions  suddenly  appeared 
in  the  forest  to  the  right  of  their  astonished  enemy.  The 
cavalry  impetuously  charged.  The  Spanish  were  thrown 
into  confusion,  and  General  La  Torre  lost  his  presence  of 
mind.  General  Paez  threw  his  forces  upon  the  disconcerted 
enemy,  who  fled  on  every  hand.  General  La  Torre  and  the 
remnant  of  his  army  shut  themselves  up  in  Puerto  Cabello. 

The  hero  of  Carabobo  was  Jose  Antonio  Paez,  a  llanero 
who  rose  to  the  highest  offices  in  the  republic.  He  was 
born  in  the  province  of  Barinas,  June  13,  1790.  He  was 
practically  the  President  of  Venezuela  for  some  seventeen 
years,  after  that  country  separated  from  Colombia.  To 
this  man,  in  the  height  of  his  popularity  and  power,  the 
Congress  presented  a  golden  sword,  and  the  title  of  "  Illus- 
trious Citizen." 

At  the  age  of  seventeen  he  was  intrusted  with  some 
money,  when  he  was  waylaid  in  a  wild  region  by  four 
robbers.  One  of  these  robbers  he  slew  on  the  spot.  He 
escaped,  fled  to  the  plains  of  Barinas,  and  found  employ- 
ment among  the  shepherds  and  cattle-dealers. 

The  Spanish  forces  offered  him  a  place  of  honor,  but 
he  was  unwilling  to  bear  arms  against  the  patriot  cause. 
He  fled  over  the  mountains,  and  in  1810  joined  the  patriot 
troops.  He  became  a  cavalry  leader,  and  inflicted  severe 
blows  on  the  Spanish  forces.  For  services  in  the  field  he 
was  honored  by  Granada,  and  when  Francisco  Santander, 
the  commander  of  the  Granadian  army,  resigned,  Paez 
became  the  military  chief  of  the  mountaineers. 


Il6  SOUTH    AMERICA 

In  1817  Paez  gave  his  sword  to  the  cause  of  Bolivar. 
In  1819  he  was  made  a  major-general.  He  organized  an 
army,  won  the  decisive  victory  of  Carabobo,  and  was 
raised  to  the  rank  of  general-in-chief. 

When  Venezuela  became  dissatisfied  with  the  federal 
union  and  declared  her  independence  of  it,  Paez  was 
elected  President.  He  retained  his  power,  either  by  his 
own  reelection  or  by  the  election  of  men  of  his  choice, 
for  some  seventeen  years.  It  was  during  his  administra- 
tion of  affairs  that  the  body  of  Simon  Bolivar  was  removed 
to  Caracas,  and  that  city  paid  the  dead  hero  the  honors 
that  she  had  twice  bestowed  upon  him  when  living. 

Paez  passed  his  old  age  in  the  United  States,  dying  in 
New  York  city  in  1873.  After  his  death  his  remains  were 
removed  to  his  native  land. 

He  was  very  severely  criticized  for  the  influence  which 
he  exercised  in  dismembering  the  Colombian  republic. 
His  political  life  made  for  him  ardent  friends  and  bitter 
enemies. 

The   battle  of   Boyaca  was   a  decisive    event,  but  its 
results  were  completed  in  the  field  of  the  north  by  the 
victory  of  Carabobo,  which  ended  the  Spanish  power  in- 
the  new  Republic  of  Colombia. 

The  triumph  of  Carabobo  brought  out  the  true  nobility 
of  Bolivar.  He  had  once  given  an  order  of  war  to  the 
death.  It  was  called  forth  amid  terrible  circumstances. 
Bolivar  thus  describes  those  circumstances  in  a  manifesto 
issued  at  the  time : 

"  Yes,  Americans,  the  hateful  and  cruel  Spaniards  have 
introduced  desolation  in  the  midst  of  the  innocent  and 
peaceful  people  of  the  Columbian  hemisphere.  The  war 
to  the  death  which  these  Spaniards  wage  has  forced  them 
to  abandon  their  native  country,  which  they  have  not 


THE   LIBERTY    OF   THE   NORTH  1 17 

known  how  to  preserve,  and  have  ignominiously  lost. 
Fugitives  and  wanderers,  like  the  enemies  of  the  Saviour 
God,  they  behold  themselves  cast  away  from  all  parts,  and 
persecuted  by  all  men.  Europe  expels  them,  America 
repels  them.  Their  vices  in  both  worlds  have  loaded 
them  with  the  malediction  of  all  humankind.  All  parts 
of  the  globe  are  tinged  with  the  innocent  blood  which  the 
ferocious  Spaniards  have  caused  to  flow.  All  of  them  are 
stained  with  the  crimes  which  they  have  committed,  not 
for  the  love  of  glory,  but  in  the  search  of  a  vile  metal, 
which  is  their  supreme  god.  The  executioners,  who  have 
entitled  themselves  our  enemies,  have  most  outrageously 
violated  the  rights  of  people  and  of  nations  at  Quito,  La 
Paz,  Mexico,  Caracas,  and  recently  at  Popayan.  They 
sacrificed  our  virtuous  brethren  in  their  dungeons  in  the 
cities  of  Quito  and  La  Paz ;  they  beheaded  thousands  of 
our  prisoners  in  Mexico  ;  they  buried  alive,  in  the  cells  and 
floating  prisons  of  Puerto  Cabello  and  La  Guayra,  our 
fathers,  children,  and  friends  of  Venezuela ;  they  have  im- 
molated the  president  and  commandant  of  Popayan,  with 
all  their  companions  of  misfortunes;  and  lastly,  O  God! 
almost  in  our  presence  they  have  committed  a  most  horrid 
slaughter  at  Barinas,  of  our  prisoners  of  war  and  our 
peaceful  countrymen  of  that  capital.  .  .  .  But  these 
victims  shall  be  revenged,  these  assassins  exterminated. 
Our  kindness  is  now  quenched,  and  as  our  oppressors  force 
us  into  a  mortal  war,  they  shall  disappear  from  America, 
and  our  land  shall  be  purged  of  the  monsters  who  infest 
it.  Our  hatred  will  be  implacable,  and  the  war  shall  be 
to  death.  "  SlMON  BOLIVAR. 

"HEADQUARTERS  OF  MERIDA,  June  8,  1813." 

The  critics  of  Bolivar  have  made  free  use  of  this  mani- 
festo.    This  policy,  however,  was  but  temporary.     It  was 


Il8  SOUTH    AMERICA 

in  another  spirit  that  he  began  the  campaigns  that  ended 
in  Carabobo  and  in  Peru.     When  beginning  them  he  said : 

"  Soldiers !  I  hope  that  you  will  have  humanity  and 
compassion  even  for  your  most  bitter  enemies.  Be  the 
mediators  between  the  vanquished  and  your  victorious 
arms,  and  show  yourselves  as  great  in  generosity  as  you 
are  in  victory! 

"LIBERATING  HEADQUARTERS,  BARINAS,  April  17,  1821." 

As  noble  are  the  words  of  another  manifesto,  issued  at 
this  period,  when  complete  victory  rose  clearly  in  view: 
"  Colombians!  This  war  shall  not  be  a  war  of  death,  nor 
even  of  rigor ;  it  shall  be  a  sanctified  crusade.  We  shall 
fight  to  disarm,  not  to  exterminate,  our  enemy!  " 

Such  words  as  these  express  Bolivar's  sentiments. '  He 
made  mistakes,  but  at  heart  he  was  generous,  merciful  and 
true.  He  lived  in  the  hope  of  all  that  was  best  for  hu- 
manity. He  desired  -influence,  but  only  to  use  it  for  the 
good  of  all  mankind. 

On  the  29th  of  June  General  Bolivar  again  entered 
Caracas  in  triumph.  There  were  no  arches,  no  strewings 
of  flowers  nor  ringing  of  bells.  The  city  was  as  one  of 
the  dead.  There  was  hardly  a  white  inhabitant  in  •  the 
deserted  streets.  The  houses  were  empty.  There  were 
pitiful  beggars  and  dead  bodies  everywhere..  Some 
negroes  cried,  "Vive  Colombia!"  then  all  was  silent  save 
the  wails  of  the  famishing. 

But  the  north  was  free,  and  another  movement  'for 
liberty,  under  a  leader  as  noble,  was  going  on  in  the 
south.  The  two  leaders  would  soon  be  marching  toward 
each  other,  one  from  the  south,  one  from  the  north.  The 
high  Andes  was  soon  to  witness  the  final  triumph  of  the 
cause  of  each. 

To  that  movement  we  will  now  turn. 


WASHINGTON    PLAZA,    CARACAS,    VENEZUELA. 


CHAPTER   X 

ARGENTINA— THE  LIBERATING  ARMY  OF  THE  SOUTH 

'  1  A  7 HAT  good  airs  are  here!"  exclaimed  a  Spanish 
V  V  sailor  on  landing  on  the  shores  of  the  pampas,  in 
the  age  of  the  explorers.  His  exclamation,  "Buenos  ayres!  " 
according  to  the  popular  tradition,  gave  the  name  to  the 
littoral  part  of  that  country  which  became  the  viceroyalty 
of  Buenos  Ayres,  and  is  now  the  Argentine  Republic. 
The  Spanish  viceroyalty  of  Buenos  Ayres  occupied  a  wide 
territory.  On  the  separation  of  the  country  from  Spain 
this  territory  came  to  form,  after  some  changes,  the  re- 
publics of  Argentina,  Bolivia,  Paraguay  and  the  Banda 
Oriental  del  Uruguay.  It  covered  an  area  as  large  as 
central  and  western  Europe,  and  its  resources  and  fer- 
tility are  such  that  it  might  sustain  a  European  population. 
Here  the  sea,  the  air,  the  sky,  wear  a  purple  hue ;  the  flag 
of  Argentina  is  purple  ;  and  that  color  so  prevails  that  the 
country  has  been  called  "  the  purple  empire  that  Eng- 
land lost." 

Argentina  is  the  land  of  the  pampas.  The  sterile  plains 
of  Patagonia  are  on  one  side,  and  the  Gran  Chaco,  like  a 
world's  museum  of  natural  history,  on  the  other.  Over  it 
on  the  west  looms  the  high  Andes,  rising  in  Aconcagua 
to  a  height  of  more  than  twenty  thousand  feet.  Of  the 
Cordilleras,  whose  long,  lofty  lines  of  white  glimmer  above 

119 


120  SOUTH   AMERICA 

the  pampas,  Mr.  Darwin  says  :  "  The  highest  peaks 
appear  to  consist  of  active,  or  more  commonly  dormant, 
volcanoes,  such  as  Tupungato,  Maypo  and  Aconcagua, 
which  latter  stands  twenty-three  thousand  feet  above  the 
level  of  the  sea.  This  grand  range  has  suffered  both  the 
most  violent  dislocations,  and  slow,  though  powerful,  upward 
and  downward  movements  in  a  mass.  I  know  not  whether 
the  spectacle  of  its  immense  valleys,  with  mountain  masses 
of  once  liquefied  and  intrusive  rocks  now  barred  and  inter- 
sected, or  whether  the  view  of  the  plains,  composed  of 
shingle  and  sediment  hence  derived,  which  stretch  to  the 
borders  of  the  Atlantic  Ocean,  is  better  adapted  to  excite 
our  astonishment  at  the  amount  of  wear  and  tear  that 
these  mountains  have  undergone." 

On  one  side  the  Argentine,  Patagonia  has  the  climate 
of  Norway  and  Sweden.  On  the  other  side  is  the  per- 
petual glow  of  the  tropics.  In  the  middle  is  the  subdued 
and  ethereal  mildness  of  southern  France  and  of  Italy. 
Its  agricultural  productions,  therefore,  are  diversified  and 
almost  boundless. 

The  wars  between  England  and  Spain  first  broke  the 
authority  of  the  viceroys.  Iqjune,  1806,  General  Beres- 
n  thm  Ki^  dp  la  Plntn  or  river  Plate  with 


a  body  of  English   trnnp^  anrj  took  possession  of  the  city 

obremonto.  the  Spanish 


to_Cordo.va,  where  General  Liniers  gathered  an  army 
He  defeated  P^r^sford,  who  surrendered  to  him  in  the 

hp  gamp  year        In  February  r  l8o7f  SJr  Satrmpl 
Storm  qr)    thp   rity  pf   Mon1'fMnrl^r>  anH    raptiir^rl 
if;.  ,     In    I  ftn^jftp  P.ng1ish>   pnHejr  (General  tylhitf"lr\r]r    ag-qfn 

endeavored  to  take  possession  of  Buenos  Ayres.  The 
inhabitants  made  a  resistance  which  was  of  such  a  heroic 
character  as  to  have  been  a  favorite  subject  of  romance 


ARGENTINA 

and  song.  The  houses  of  old  Buenos  Ayres  were  built 
with  large  windows,  protected  by  strong  iron  railings, 
open  to  the  street.  For  the  purpose  of  defense  this  made 
the  city  a  great  fortress.  The  low,  flat  roofs  were  also 
favorable  for  repelling  an  invasion.  The  English  army 
experienced  heavy  losses  and  capitulated. 

The  resistance  to  the  English  invasion  inspired  the 
people  of  tfafi  r.nii  n  try  with  a  sense  of  their  own  valnr  and 
Strength.  The  overturning  nf  the  throne  of  .Spain  hy. 
gflV?  them  th*  opportunity  fnr 


They_rgfused  to  acknowledge  the  authority  of  Joseph 
Bonaparte,  whom  Napoleon  had  placed  on  thejbhrone  of 
Spain. 

In    J  ftoQ    (~!isnpfog   \vaQ   maHf*   \\ceroy   by  the  junffl  ^f 
Seville,  in  the  namp  nf  the  Hepped  Spanish  king.  FerdL 

nand__YIL      On   Ma       ?        ifijO,   wi*llnsftnt  nf   the 

viceroy,  a  ^unciLfff 


nf  the   Prnvincej;   nf    foe.    Kin   de    la 


Plata.     This  council  was  the  hpginning  nf  Argentine  i 
pejidence.     An  attempt  was  made  by  the  loyal  subjects 
of  King  Ferdinand  to  make  the  viceroy  president  of  the 

council.      It  failed,  and  Cisneroft  retired  fn  Monte  vid&n. 

In  i8n.  on  the  3ist  of  January,  fl  r.r>nfrrpss  ^cc^mhierl 
at  Buenos  Avres^  and  elected  Posadas  Dictator  of  the 
rejxu-blier— 

The  people  of  Uruguay  were  still  favorable  to  the  cause 
of  Ferdinand.  ~T  b^  -  Hty  rf  Mont^v^pr>  wa<;  attarVerl  hy 
the  republicans  from  Buenos  Avres  in  1814.  and  after  a 
siege  captured. 

The    party_nf    indpJPndpnrf*    grew    in     Arppntina     anH. 

on 


Plate. 

O     Iarch  2      iftT6  a  new  conress  of  deuties  elected 


122  SOUTH    AMERICA 


by  the  Argentine  p^pH  ™f*+  **  Tnr.nman 


was  electefl^Prestftent  of  thf>  rfpnKljr_pnH    ™   July  p  ffr^ 
jpf*    nf    ArP'Pn^i'nR    WftS    f^TP^^^V    fJ£jCj]flred.    WJtll 


Buenos  Ayres  as  the  seat  oLgmrernment  — 

But  the  union  of  the  whole  country  was  not  secured. 
Paraguay,  Uruguay  and  what  is  now  Bolivia,  after  many 
changes  of  political  fortune^  pstahlisheH  —  independent 
governments.  Buenos  Ayres,  from  her  commanding 
position,  excited  the  jealousy  of  a  part  of  the  Argentine 
Republic.  The  independence  of  the  country  from  Spain 
had  been  proclaimed,  and  it  was  rapidly  progressing  to- 
ward freedom. 

At    the    period   when  the    cause    of 


independence  in  Argentina  most  needed  a  directing 
mind,  civil  and  military,  there  landed^on—ker  shores  a 
young  hero  of  famp,  one  born  -»n  hpr  nwn  wil,  and-wh^ 
was  destined  to  be  known  as  the  greatest  of  Creoles  — 
Jng^  df  ,Sfln  _Mflrtt'n  He  was  born  on  February  25, 
1778,  in  Yapeyii,  Missiones.  He  was  the  fourth  son  of 
the  lieutenant-governor  of  the  department  of  Yapeyii. 
When  he  was  eight  years  of  age  he  was  taken  to  Spain, 
where  he  became  a  pupil  in  the  Seminary  of  Nobles  at 
Madrid.  At  the  age  of  twelve  he  was  a  cadet  in  white 
and  blue.  Before  he  had  reached  the  age  of  twenty  we 
find  him  in  Africa  fighting  against  the  Moors.  Though 
a  lover  of  peace,  he  was  educated  to  war,  and  though  he 
became  a  champion  of  republican  principles,  he  was  trained 
in  the  armies  of  royalty. 

Strangely  enough,  this  young  Creole,  like  Bolivar,  met 
Miranda,  then  the  ardent  apostle  of  South  American  liberty, 
in  Europe,  and  fell  under  his  influence.  He  was  one  of 
those  young  men  to  whom  Miranda  disclosed  the  restless 
secret  of  his  political  dream.  Miranda  had  established  in 
London  the  Gran  Reunion  Americana  for  the  emancipa- 


ARGENTINA  123 

tion  of  South  America  from  foreign  dominion,  and  was 
engaged  in  forming  like  societies  on  the  Continent. 

Bolivar  was  to  liberate  half  of  the  South  American  con- 
tinent; San  jVTartin  was  to  free  the  other  half  from  foreign 
dominion.  The  two  followers  of  Miranda  were  to  meet 
under  the  glowing  arch  of  the  equator,  and  there  clasp 
hands  for  the  first  time. 

The  life-thought  of  San  Martin  was  one  of  the_jioblest 
that  has  ever  inspired  the  human  breast  : 

Thou  must  be  that  which  thou  ought'st  to  be, 
And  without  that  thou  shalt  be  nothing. 

His  life  fulfilled  this  principle.  There  was  a  moral 
grandeur  in  his  character  that  places  him  in  the  rank  of 
Pericles,  Cincinnatus,  the  Gracchi,  and  other  great  leaders 
of  the  world.  What  this  man's  faults  and  errors  were  we 
do  not  know,  unless  the  distribution  of  medals  to  the  Order 
of  the  Sun  in  Peru,  which  act  was  called  unrepublican, 
be  one.  It  has  been  said  that  he  held  a  too  conservative 
view  of  the  capability  of  men  for  self-government.  Be 
this  as  it  may,  he  gave  his  sword  to  the  best  interests  of 
the  human  race,  lived  stainlessly,  and  when  he  could  best 
serve  the  cause  of  humanity  by  retirement  and  poverty,  he 
went  into  exile.  Chili  voted  to  him  ten  thousand  ounces 
of  gold,  but  he  refused  it,  and  gave  it  over  to  the  public 
good. 

QJI   May  25,   i8iQr  the  Argentine   g 


into  the  hands  of  _  the  representatives  of  the  people.  A 
junta  first  exercised  the  power.  This  was  succeeded  by 
a  triumviraje.  This  represented  no  party,  but  sought 
only  the  welfare  nf  the  people.  A  national  congress 
proclaimed  republican  principles.  All  _of_  Jhese  Jbfidies 
acted  in  the  name  of  the  deposed  King  Ferdinand. 


124  SOUTH   AMERICA 

San  Martin,  on  his  arrival  at  Buenos  Ayres,  began  a 
military  reform.  He  was  soon  called  to  succeed  the  emi- 
nent patriot  Belgrano  in  the  command  of  the  army.  His 
political  influence  grew.  The  name  of  the  King  of  Spain 
disappeared  from  public  affairs.  The  Inquisition  was 
abolished,  and  the  flag  of  blue  and  white  took  the  place 
of  the  colors  of  the  Peninsula. 

San  Martin  assumed  the  command  of  the  army.  He 
now  determined  to  liberate  Chili  and  Peru.  The  way  to 
Lima  from  Buenos  Ayres  had  been  by  the  mountain-passes 
of  Upper  Peru. 

To  create  an  army  and  to  cross  the  Andes  now  became 
the  first  effort  of  San  Martin.  With  this  army  he  would 
descend,  as  it  were,  from  the  sky,  and  meet  the  Spanish 
power  as  the  condor  strikes  his  prey.  He  would  begin 
that  march  that  would  not  end  until  he  met  the  patriots 
of  the  north  at  the  equator.  Such  was  the  plan  of  San 
Martin. 

The  work  began  at  Mendoza,  at  the  foot  of  the  Andes. 
Here  the  army  of  liberation  began  to  assemble.  From  this 
point  the  march  which  would  free  South  America  should 
begin.  He  decided  that  the  highway  of  his  army  should 
not  be  by  the  road  to  Upper  Peru.  He  would  cross  the 
Andes  by  the  Uspallata  Pass,  nearly  thirteen  thousand 
feet  high,  would  liberate  Chili,  and  pass  to  Lower  Peru. 
The  plan  was  so  bold  that  he  guarded  it  as  a  secret.  He 
resigned  his  place  as  commander  of  the  Army  of  the  North 
to  his  friend  General  Alvear,  and  accepted  the  appoint- 
ment of  governor  of  Cuzco.  Here  an  army  of  rugged 
patriots,  mountaineers  and  plainsmen,  could  be  slowly 
formed,  men  of  lofty  courage,  who  would  dare  to  scale 
the  pinnacles  of  the  Andes  and  die  for  liberty  on  any 
field. 

On  August  10,  1814,  he  became  governor  of  Cuzco,  and 


ARGENTINA  12$ 

from  that  time  his  eye  was  fixed  upon  the  Andes,  whose 
forbidding  heights  towered  over  him  in  the  sun.  He  saw 
the  way  to  victory  there,  in  the  line  of  the  flight  of  the 
condor.  Would  his  daring  thought  ever  turn  into  deeds? 
The  purpose  of  Bolivar  amid  the  ruins  of  Caracas  was 
equaled  by  that  of  San  Martin. 


CHAPTER  XI 

CUZCO— THE  BANNER  OF  THE  SUN 

THE  province  of  Cuzco  lies  under  the  high  Andes.  It 
is  inhabited  by  brave  and  liberty-loving  mountain- 
eers. The  way  to  Upper  Peru  lay  through  its  hills.  The 
region  is  "beautiful,  glorious  and  sublime."  The  snows 
melt  and  flow  down  from  the  colossal  mountain-wall, 
and  form  crystal  lakes.  To  drink  of  their  pure,  clear 
water  is  to  live.  The  hills  roll  like  billows  of  land  into 
the  quiet  sea  of  the  plain.  The  condor  wheels  in  the  sky 
as  on  a  motionless  wing,  a  creature  that  typifies  his  own 
native  wilds  amid  the  peaks  of  the  air.  Mendoza,  San 
Juan  and  San  Luis  were  then  parts  of  the  province.  There 
were  some  forty  thousand  inhabitants  in  the  province. 
They  were  a  hard-working,  clear-thinking  people,  of  large 
sympathies  and  of  sterling  moral  worth. 

Here  was  the  road  to  Chili  over  the  Cordilleras,  and  also 
that  from  Chili  to  Buenos  Ayres  over  the  pampas.  Here 
bullock-carts  lumbered  along  the  unfenced  roads.  Here 
came  and  went  pack-mules  with  fruits,  flour  and  wine. 

San  Martin  was  named  governor  of  Cuzco  in  1814.  He 
lived  in  republican  simplicity.  He  refused  to  occupy  the 
handsome  house  offered  him  by  the  cabildo  (town-meet- 
ing or  folkmoot)  of  Mendoza,  and  he  returned  one  half 
of  his  salary  in  the  interests  of  public  economy.  He 

126 


<&"--  OF  THB'^P 

UNIVERSITY 
^A 


cuzco  127 

accepted  the  position  of  general  in  the  army  only  on  the 
condition  that  he  should  resign  it  when  the  service  was 
no  longer  a  necessity. 

Chili  had  gained  her  liberties,  but  only  to  lose  them  again. 
To  free  Chili  would  be,  in  his  opinion,  to  win  the  cause  of 
liberty  for  South  America.  To  that  cause  San  Martin  now 
gave  his  heart.  To  lead  an  army  over  the  Andes  was  his 
ambition.  Such  an  army  must  be  one  of  no  ordinary 
men.  The  virtuous  laborers  of  Cuzco  were  men  who  pos- 
sessed uncommon  strength  of  body  and  soul.  San  Martin 
began  to  organize  such  an  army,  and  to  arouse  the  people 
to  a  sense  of  their  opportunity.  Unpaid  volunteers  re- 
sponded to  his  call.  The  ladies  of  Mendoza,  headed  by 
his  own  wife,  cast  their  jewels  into  the  public  treasury 
for  the  patriotic  cause. 

He  was  a  stern  disciplinarian,  yet  his  heart  was  full  of 
mercy.  One  day  an  officer  came  to  him.  "  I  have  done 
wrong.  I  have  lost,  in  a  game,  money  that  was  intrusted 
to  me  for  the  regiment."  San  Martin  saw  that  the  soul  of 
the  man  had  worth,  else  he  would  not  have  made  the  con- 
fession. "  How  much  have  you  lost  ?  "  The  officer  named 
the  amount.  San  Martin  handed  to  him  the  sum  in  gold 
coin.  "  Pay  the  money  back  with  this,"  he  said,  "  but  keep 
the  transaction  secret.  If  I  ever  hear  that  you  have  told 
of  it  you  shall  be  shot." 

In  1815  the  republicans  met  with  disasters  in  Upper 
Peru  and  in  Colombia. .  One  day  when  San  Martin  was 
dining  with  his  officers  he  offered  a  toast :  "  To  the  first 
shot  fired  beyond  the  Andes  against  the  tyrants  of  Chili!" 
The  toast  expressed  the  one  purpose  of  his  soul,  the  re- 
conquest  of  Chili  for  the  cause  of  universal  liberty. 

Over  Chili  Abascal  was  viceroy,  and  Osorio  there  led 
the  Spanish  army.  Abascal  ruled  with  an  iron  hand,  with- 
out justice  or  mercy.  The  people  cried  in  secret  for  de- 


128  SOUTH    AMERICA 

liverance.  The  leader  of  the  Chilian  patriots  was  Manuel 
Rodriguez.  He  secretly  organized  volunteers,  who  were 
to  await  an  opportunity  to  rise. 

In  1816  San  Martin,  under  the  sanction  of  the  Tucuman 
Congress,  began  to  form  the  Army  of  the  Andes.  The 
expenses  of  the  army  were  in  part  sustained  by  patriotic 
subscriptions.  Some  who  could  not  give  money  gave 
labor. 

The  Benjamin  Franklin  of  this  period  of  preparation, 
when  the  genius  of  effective  organization  was  a  most  im- 
portant factor,  was  Luis  Beltran,  a  mendicant  friar.  He 
was  one  of  those  patriotic  priests  who,  from  the  time  of 
the  reaction  against  the  cruelty  of  Spain  in  Lima  to  the 
awakening  of  Mexico  under  Hidalgo,  repudiated  the  orders 
of  their  superiors.  This  man,  strange  as  it  may  seem, 
became  the  Vulcan  of  the  new  army,  and  was  assigned  to 
the  charge  of  the  forges  and  the  mechanical  works.  He 
was  a  native  of  Mendoza.  He  had  joined  the  patriots  in 
Chili,  and  had  served  as  an  artilleryman  there.  After 
the  defeat  of  the  patriots  he  returned  to  Cuzco  "  with  a 
bag  of  tools  of  his  own  making  on  his  shoulders." 

He  became  a  chaplain  in  the  new  Army  of  the  Andes. 
His  nobility  as  a  patriot  and  his  genius  as  a  mechanic  were 
recognized  by  San  Martin.  The  latter  commanded  him 
to  establish  an  arsenal,  an  extraordinary  assignment  to  a 
chaplain.  Friar  Beltran  found  himself  at  the  head  of  a 
military  school  of  three  hundred  workmen,  whom  he  taught 
to  cast  cannon,  shot  and  shell,  and  to  melt  down  church 
bells  for  the  new  march  of  liberty.  He  unfrocked  himself 
in  1816,  and  put  on  the  uniform  of  an  officer  of  the  artil- 
lery. "  He  became,"  says  Mitre,  "  the  Archimedes  of  the 
Army  of  the  Andes." 

The  new  year,  1817,  had  come  to  Mendoza.  A  new 
light  was  kindling  on  the  peaks.  The  i;th  of  January 


cuzco  129 

was  a  high  holiday  in  the  beautiful  town.  The  Army  of 
the  Andes,  before  it  was  to  begin  its  march  over  the 
Andes,  was  to  pass  in  review  before  San  Martin.  The 
women  of  Mendoza  were  to  present  to  the  army  a  flag 
which  they  had  made.  The  flag  bore  the  emblem  of  the 
Sun.  The  town  of  Mendoza  was  filled  with  banners.  The 
army  marched  in  amid  the  firing  of  cannon  and  the  roll- 
ing of  drums.  The  flag  of  the  Sun  was  committed  by  the 
patriotic  ladies  into  the  hands  of  San  Martin.  The  general 
mounted  a  platform  in  the  great  square,  and  waving  the 
flag,  amid  a  thrill  of  enthusiasm,  exclaimed :  "  Behold 
the  first  flag  of  independence  which  has  been  blessed  in 
America!"  A  shout  oi"Vive  la  patria!  "  rent  the  air. 
"  Soldiers,  swear  to  maintain  it,  as  I  now  do!"  Twenty- 
five  guns  saluted  the  flag.  Mitre  says  this  flag  was  raised 
for  "  the  redemption  of  the  half  of  South  America  which 
passed  the  Cordilleras.  It  waved  in  triumph  along  the 
Pacific  coast,  floated  over  the  foundations  of  two  new  re- 
publics, aided  in  the  liberation  of  another,  and  after  sixty 
years  served  as  the  funeral  pall  to  the  body  of  the  hero  who 
had  delivered  it  to  the  care  of  the  immortal  Army  of  the 
Andes." 

Martin  Giiemes,  the  Gaucho  horseman  of  the  plains, 
who  had  made  for  himself  a  name  in  the  re-conquest  of 
Buenos  Ayres,  had  protected  the  first  patriot  army  on  the 
invasion  of  Alta  Peru.  He  now  became  a  power.  His 
wild  horsemen  breathed  the  spirit  of  liberty.  They  had 
inhaled  it  from  the  air  of  the  plains,  under  the  gleaming 
peaks.  They  knew  how  to  cover  and  shield  and  prepare 
the  way  for  the  vanguard  of  an  army  in  the  sierra. 

Giiemes  found  his  field  at  Salta,  a  province  of  the 
patriots  under  the  mountain- wall.  Salta  at  this  time  was 
a  part  of  Jujuy,  among  the  spurs  of  the  Andes  which  bor- 
der the  ranges  of  Upper  Peru.  Through  it  was  the  high- 


130  SOUTH   AMERICA 

way  from  the  plains  to  the  mountains,  from  the  tropical  to 
the  temperate  zone.  It  was  an  agricultural  province.  The 
people  were  a  rugged  race.  They  were  brave,  and  lovers  of 
freedom.  The  blow  of  these  mountaineers  was  a  hammer- 
stroke.  They  flew,  as  it  were,  on  their  trained  horses, 
and,  as  they  came  and  went  with  the  speed  of  the  wind, 
landed  their  shots  with  unerring  aim. 

Giiemes  and  his  Gauchos  became  a  terror  to  the  roy- 
alists. They  guarded  the  mountain  ways,  and  their  swift 
movements  were  like  thunderbolts  from  the  mountain 
clouds. 

Giiemes,  for  his  intrepid  movements  and  daring  adven- 
tures in  the  patriot  cause,  was  assigned  places  of  honor  by 
San  Martin,  and  became  the  Gaucho  or  cavalry  hero  of 
the  spurs  of  the  Andes.  He  was  made  governor  of  Salta, 
and  held  the  office  from  May,  1815,  to  May,  1820.  His 
death  was  tragic.  In  1821,  while  he  was  absent  from  the 
city,  Salta  was  surprised  and  captured  by  the  royalists. 
He  returned  home  at  night,  not  knowing  that  the  place 
was  in  the  enemy's  hands.  He  rode  into  the  public  square 
and  was  met  with  a  volley  of  shot.  He  was  severely 
wounded,  but  rode  away  bleeding  and  dying.  He  died 
some  days  after  this  last  swift  ride  of  death.  His  deeds 
were  long  celebrated  by  the  Gaucho  minstrels,  as  the  wan- 
dering musicians  of  the  plains  were  called. 


CHAPTER   XII 

THE  BATTLE  OF  MAYPO— CHILI— PERU-— THE  MEETING 
OF  THE  TWO  LIBERATORS— ABNEGATION  AND  MORAL 
HEROISM  OF  SAN  MARTIN 

THE  five  great  battles  that  decided  South  American 
independence  were  Boyaca,  Maypo,  Carabobo,  Pi- 
chincha  and  Ayacucho.  Of  these  Boyaca  and  Maypo  are 
the  most  famous.  Of  these  two  Maypo  is  that  which  has 
more  interested  the  world.  It  was  a  battle  won  by  the 
power  of  the  human  will;  it  was  fought  according  to 
the  laws  of  military  science  and  amid  the  most  stupen- 
dous mountain  scenery ;  its  thunders,  like  an  earthquake, 
shattered  the  Spanish  power  in  South  America.  The 
scene  of  the  battle,  with  its  mountain  towers,  was  not  only 
one  of  the  most  majestic  in  the  world,  but  the  meeting 
and  clash  of  the  two  armies  were  attended  by  thrilling 
events.  Here  liberty  and  despotism  measured  their  forces, 
and  the  old  civilization  of  the  foreign  kings  went  down. 
It  was  fought  on  April  5,  1818.  The  royal  army  num- 
bered fifty-five  hundred  men,  and  was  led  by  Osorio. 
The  army  of  the  patriots  was  nearly  as  large.  It  was  filled 
with  the  spirit  of  victory,  which  it  caught  from  its  general, 
who  was  as  constant  to  his  purpose  under  reverses  as  in 
the  hours  following  victory. 

From  Santiago  there  runs  a  succession  of  white  hills, 

131 


132  SOUTH   AMERICA 

called  Lorna  Blanca,  overlooking  desert  lands,  and  over- 
looked by  the  majestic  range  of  mountains  out  of  which 
rises  Aconcagua.  On  one  crest  of  this  Lorna,  at  a  place 
that  commanded  the  roads  to  the  passes  of  the  Maypo  and 
to  Santiago,  the  patriot  army  was  encamped.  In  front  of 
it  rose  another  ridge,  which  was  occupied  by  the  royalist 
army. 

The  patriot  army  was  placed  in  three  divisions:  one, 
under  the  command  of  Las  Heras,  on  the  right ;  the  second, 
under  Lavarado,  on  the  left;  and  in  the  rear  the  reserve, 
commanded  by  Quintana.  The  infantry  was  commanded 
by  Belcarce,  while  San  Martin  himself  commanded  the 
cavalry. 

Below  the  Lorna  ran  the  Maypo,  with  its  mountain 
waters  and  its  forests.  As  the  first  light  of  the  morning 
illumined  the  mountains,  San  Martin  rode  to  the  edge  of 
the  Lorna  to  survey  the  movements  of  the  royal  army. 
It  began  to  occupy  the  high  ground  in  front  of  the  patriot 
army.  As  San  Martin  had  feared  that  it  might  take  a 
position  near  the  road  to  Valparaiso  for  the  purpose  of 
retreat,  he  said  to  his  officers:  "  I  take  the  sun  to  witness 
that  the  day  is  ours!"  As  he  spoke,  there  swept  over  the 
desert,  river  and  white  crests  of  the  Andes  the  beams  of 
the  cloudless  sun.  As  the  men  beheld  it  they  saw  the 
banner  of  the  Sun.  The  event  seemed  prophetic.  At 
ten  o'clock  the  eventful  march  of  the  patriot  army  began. 
"  A  half-hour  will  decide  the  fate  of  Chili,"  said  San  Martin. 

The  royalist  general  Osorio  made  a  movement  to  the 
west  to  protect  the  road  of  retreat  to  Valparaiso,  a  road 
that  he  would  soon  need.  The  white  crest  of  the  Lorna 
was  filled  with  his  glittering  infantry.  His  cannon  were 
brought  into  position.  There  was  a  brief  silence  in  the 
hills,  and  then  San  Martin  gave  the  order  to  the  infantry 
to  advance. 


THE    BATTLE    OF    MAYPO  133 

After  the  preliminary  attacks  San  Martin  ordered  an 
oblique  movement  so  as  to  fall  upon  the  flank  of  the 
Spanish  infantry.  This  was  done  with  the  greatest  im- 
petuosity, and  was  supported  by  the  reserves.  The  royal 
infantry  stood  firm.  The  Chilian  cavalry  had  driven  back 
the  royal  cavalry,  and  it  now  turned  to  the  support  of  this 
oblique  movement  of  the  left.  The  onset  was  overwhelm- 
ing. Osorio  gave  orders  to  retreat,  and  himself  fled  to  a 
farm-house,  leaving  Ordenez  in  command.  The  royal  army 
made  a  stand  at  the  place  called  the  farm-house  of  Espejo, 
but  its  spirit  was  lost.  The  patriots  closely  pursued  it, 
flushed  with  the  certainty  of  complete  victory.  The  royal- 
ists sought  refuge  in  the  vineyards  from  terrible  onslaughts. 

The  thunder  of  the  carnage  ceased.  Ordenez  asked  for 
an  interview  with  Las  Heras.  He  surrendered  his  sword. 
Osorio  fled  toward  Valparaiso.  The  victory  was  complete. 
The  royalist  army  lost  1000  men  killed,  150  officers  and 
2000  men  prisoners.  Its  guns,  flags  and  equipments 
all  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  patriots.  The  army  of 
liberation  lost  1000  men  in  killed  and  wounded.  Osorio 
reached  the  coast  with  fourteen  men. 

Victory  crowned  the  banner  of  the  Sun.  The  inde- 
pendence of  Chili  was  won.  The  words  of  San  Martin, 
spoken  as  the  sun  shone  over  the  white  crests  of  the  Andes 
in  the  early  morning,  "  I  take  the  sun  to  witness  that  the 
day  is  ours!"  were  prophetic. 

The  couriers  rushed  down  the  Andes  to  Mendoza  with 
the  news  of  the  victory.  They  bore  it  across  the  pampas 
to  Buenos  Ayres,  to  fill  that  city  with  joy. 

Argentina  and  Chili  were  free.  The  triumphal  march 
of  liberty  must  now  be  toward  Peru.  For  this  final 
achievement  of  the  army  of  the  liberation  the  way  must 
be  made  by  the  sea.  Five  days  after  the  battle  of  Maypo, 
San  Martin  crossed  the  mountains  to  lay  before  the  govern- 


134  SOUTH    AMERICA 

ment  of  Buenos  Ayres  a  plan  for  the  liberation  of  Peru. 
The  Dictator  of  Argentina,  Don  Juan  Martin  de  Pueyrre- 
don,  sustained  the  plan  of  San  Martin,  which  was  a  naval 
expedition  from  Valparaiso.  San  Martin  returned  to  Chili 
and  assembled  a  new  army  for  the  liberation  of  Peru.  A 
large  part  of  the  soldiers  for  this  expedition  were  citizens 
of  the  Argentine  Republic.  Sixty-two  of  the  officers 
were  Europeans,  and  Lieutenant  Charles  Eldridge,  Captain 
Henry  Ross  and  Captain  Daniel  L.  N.  Carson  were  from 
the  United  States. 

The  Spanish  viceroy  of  Peru  had  an  army  of  about 
twenty  thousand  men. 

The  patriot  fleet  was  commanded  by  Lord  Cochrane,  a 
British  admiral,  who  arrived  at  Valparaiso  in  November, 
1818.  After  two  ineffectual  attempts  to  reduce  Callao, 
the  fleet  again  sailed  for  Peru  with  San  Martin's  army, 
August,  1820.  Lord  Cochrane's  first  victory  was  the 
cutting  out  of  the  Esmtralda,  under  the  guns  of  Callao, 
on  the  night  of  the  5th  of  November. 

The  viceroy,  La  Serna,  retired  with  his  forces  to  Cuzco. 
San  Martin  entered  Lima.  Peru  proclaimed  her  inde- 
pendence on  July -28,  1821.  San  Martin  was  appointed 
the  Protector  of  the  state. 

There  are  two  anecdotes  related  by  General  Mitre,  the 
first  constitutional  President  of  Argentina,  in  his  "  History 
of  San  Martin,"  that  reveal  the  character  of  that  hero. 

On  the  morning  march  along  the  Lorna,  Marshal  Brayer 
forced  himself  upon  San  Martin.  "  I  am  suffering  from 
my  old  wound.  I  want  your  permission  to  retire  at  once 
to  the  baths  of  Colma."  "  Marshal,  a  half-hour  will  de- 
cide the  fate  of  Chili.  The  enemy  is  in  sight.  The  baths 
are  thirteen  leagues  away.  Your  place  is  here."  "  But 
the  old  wound  is  in  such  a  condition  that  I  cannot  go  on." 
"  Senor,"  said  San  Martin,  "  the  lowest  drummer  in  the 


THE    BATTLE    OF    MAYPO  135 

army  has  more  honor  than  you."  He  sent  word  to  Bel- 
carce,  the  commander  of  the  infantry :  "  Announce  to 
the  army  that  Marshal  Brayer  is  cashiered  for  conduct 
unworthy  of  an  officer!"  The  order  was  a  moral  death. 

The  other  anecdote  is  this :  Of  the  abundant  trophies 
of  victory  San  Martin  kept  for  himself  only  one.  It  was 
a  portfolio  which  contained  the  secret  letters  of  the  fugitive 
Osorio.  These  letters  revealed  those  who  were  true  and 
those  who  were  false  to  the  patriotic  cause.  He  must 
open  these  letters  for  the  sake  of  the  cause.  He  sat  down 
under  the  shade  of  a  tree  and  read  the  contents  of  the 
portfolio.  Some  of  the  letters,  indeed,  disclosed  secret 
disloyalty  to  Chili.  After  reading  them  he  dropped  them 
one  by  one  into  the  fire.  He  never  disclosed  their  con- 
tents. They  were  not  his,  except  for  the  purpose  of  pro- 
tecting the  cause.  He  was  seeking  no  personal  revenge, 
but  only  the  welfare  of  mankind. 

Captain  Basil  Hall  met  San  Martin  in  Lima,  and  he  left 
in  his  journal  some  pen-pictures  of  the  hero  of  Maypo. 
Says  Captain  Hall:  "  On  the  25th  of  June  I  had  an  inter- 
view with  General  San  Martin  on  board  a  little  schooner 
anchored  in  Callao  roads.  .  .  .  There  was  little  at  first  sight 
in  his  appearance  to  engage  attention,  but  when  he  rose 
and  began  to  speak,  his  great  superiority  over  every  other 
person  I  had  seen  in  South  America  was  sufficiently  ap- 
parent. He  received  us  in  a  very  homely  style,  on  the 
deck  of  his  vessel,  dressed  in  a  surtout  coat  and  a  large 
fur  cap,  seated  at  a  table  made  of  a  few  loose  planks  laid 
along  the  top  of  two  empty  casks. 

" .  .  .  Several  persons  came  on  board  privately  from 
Lima  to  discuss  the  state  of  affairs,  upon  which  occasion 
his  views  and  feelings  were  distinctly  stated.  I  saw  no- 
thing in  his  conduct  afterward  to  cast  a  doubt  upon  the 
sincerity  with  which  he  then  spoke.  '  The  contest  in 


136  SOUTH    AMERICA 

Peru,'  he  said,  '  was  not  of  an  ordinary  description;  not  a 
war  of  conquest  and  glory,  but  entirely  of  opinion.  It 
was  a  war  of  new  and  liberal  principles  against  prejudice, 
bigotry  and  tyranny.  People  ask  why  I  do  not  march  to 
Lima  at  once;  so  I  might,  and  instantly  would,  were  it 
suitable  to  my  views,  which  it  is  not.  I  do  not  want 
military  renown.  I  have  no  ambition  to  be  conqueror  of 
Peru.  I  want  solely  to  liberate  the  country  from  oppres- 
sion. Of  what  use  would  Lima  be  to  me  if  the  inhabi- 
tants were  hostile  in  political  sentiment  ?  How  could  the 
cause  of  independence  be  advanced  by  my  holding  Lima, 
or  even  the  whole  country,  in  military  possession?  Far 
different  are  my  views.  I  wish  to  have  all  thinking  men 
with  me,  and  do  not  choose  to  advance  a  step  beyond  the 
march  of  public  opinion.  ...  I  have  been  gaining  day 
by  day  fresh  allies  in  the  hearts  of  the  people,  the  only 
certain  allies  in  such  a  war.' ' 

These  anecdotes  reveal  the  motives  and  character  of 
San  Martin. 

In  1822  there  occurred  at  Guayaquil  one  of  the  most 
notable  events  in  human  history,  namely,  the  meeting  of 
the  two  liberators,  Bolivar  and  San  Martin.  The  conduct 
of  San  Martin  at  this  memorable  meeting  reveals  his  true 
greatness.  Modern  history  has  few  examples  that  are 
comparable  to  it,  and  none  that  surpasses  it. 

Bolivar  was  now  "  arbiter  of  the  destiny  of  South 
America."  San  Martin  recognized  this  fact.  He  per- 
ceived, moreover,  that  Bolivar  could  now  accomplish  the 
liberation  of  the  whole  country  better  without  than  with 
his  assistance.  Was  San  Martin,  after  creating  the  Army 
of  the  Andes  and  leading  the  army  of  emancipation  to 
Peru,  willing  to  subordinate  his  personal  interests  to  the 
cause  of  liberty  ?  Did  the  hero  of  the  Andes  rise  to  the 
high  demands  of  an  occasion  like  this? 


MEETING   OF   THE   TWO    LIBERATORS  [37. 

Bolivar  came  to  Guayaquil  with  some  fifteen  hundred 
men.  He  entered  the  city  under  arches  of  triumph.  On 
the  25th  of  July  San  Martin  arrived  by  sea  on  the  ship 
Macedonia.  He  landed  and  passed  through  files  of  soldiers 
to  the  house  where  the  Liberator  of  the  north  was  await- 
ing him.  The  two  heroes  met  for  the  first  time.  They 
embraced,  and  entered  the  house  arm  in  arm,  and  were 
left  alone.  What  occurred  no  one  can  tell,  but  it  was  an 
hour  of  abnegation  to  San  Martin.  During  it  he  resolved 
to  leave  South  America  and  go  into  exile  for  the  good  of 
the  cause  of  the  liberties  of  the  Andes. 

A  great  ball  was  given  to  the  two  heroes.  It  was  pre- 
ceded by  a  banquet.  Bolivar  loved  festive  and  joyous 
scenes.  San  Martin  wished  to  avoid  them.  He  was  a 
serene,  philosophical  man.  Accustomed  to  great  events 
amid  sublime  scenery,  banquets  and  balls  seemed  trivial  to 
him.  But  he  proposed  a  toast  on  this  occasion.  It  was : 
"  To  the  speedy  end  of  the  war ;  to  the  organization  of 
the  different  republics ;  and  to  the  health  of  the  Liberator 
of  Colombia!" 

After  leaving  Guayaquil  San  Martin  expressed  this 
opinion  of  Bolivar:  "  He  is  the  most  extraordinary  char- 
acter of  South  America,  one  of  those  to  whom  difficulties 
only  add  strength." 

On  his  return  to  Peru  San  Martin  wrote  to  Bolivar: 
"  My  decision  is  irrevocable.  I  have  convened  the  Con- 
gress of  Peru ;  the  day  after  its  meeting  I  shall  leave  for 
Chili,  believing  that  my  presence  is  the  only  obstacle  that 
keeps  you  from  coming  to  Peru  with  your  army." 

The  final  declaration  of  the  abdication  of  San  Martin  is 
worthy  to  be  written  in  letters  of  gold :  "  The  presence 
of  a  fortunate  general  in  the  country  which  he  has  con- 
quered is  detrimental  to  the  state.  I  have  achieved  the 
independence  of  Peru.  I  cease  to  be  a  public  man!" 


138  SOUTH    AMERICA 

He  to  whom  had  been  offered  ten  thousand  ounces  of 
gold  now  took  some  three  thousand  dollars,  crossed  the 
Andes,  and  with  his  daughter  Mercedes  went  to  Europe, 
and  lived  there  in  poverty  and  neglect  for  nearly  thirty 
years. 

When  the  republics  that  he  had  liberated  at  last  recalled 
his  true  greatness,  they  brought  his  body  to  Argentina, 
and  crowned  the  dead  hero.  The  tomb  of  San  Martin 
forms  a  part  of  the  cathedral  of  Buenos  Ayres,  and  is  one 
of  the  most  beautiful  in  the  western  world. 

Truly  says  General  Mitre :  "  History  records  not  in  her 
pages  an  act  of  self-abnegation  executed  with  more  con- 
scientiousness and  greater  modesty." 

"  I  desire  that  my  heart  shall  rest  in  Buenos  Ayres," 
said  San  Martin.  His  heart  is  forever  embalmed  in  the 
hearts  of  the  people  of  Buenos  Ayres. 


MAUSOLEUM  OF  SAN  MARTIN,  IN  BUENOS  AYRES. 


CHAPTER   XIII 

AYACUCHO,  THE  DECISIVE  BATTLE  OF  SOUTH  AMER- 
ICA—ITS DRAMATIC  AND  THRILLING  EVENTS — BO- 
LIVIA—THE TRIUMPHAL  ENTRANCE  OF  BOLIVAR 
INTO  POTOSI 

THE  decisive  battle  of  South  American  liberty  was 
that  of  Ayacucho.  The  Army  of  the  North  found 
its  decisive  fields  at  Boyaca  and  Carabobo;  the  Army  of 
the  South  at  Maypo,,  The  united  and  central  army  of 
Upper  Peru,  commanded  by  General  Sucre,  completed  at 
Ayacucho  the  work  of  Bolivar  in  the  north  and  of  San 
Martin  in  the  south.  The  royalist  forces  in  this  battle 
were  led  by  the  viceroy  of  Peru,  La  Serna.  He  was 
overthrown.  With  his  defeat  the  Spanish  power  in  South 
America  was  brought  to  an  end. 

The  events  leading  up  to  this  decisive  victory  are 
among  the  most  dramatic  and  thrilling  in  history.  In 
1823  General  Bolivar,  leaving  the  presidency  of  the  newly 
founded  Republic  of  Colombia  to'Vice-President  Santander, 
at  Bogota,  embarked  at  Guayaquil  for  Peru.  His  purpose 
was  to  complete  the  work  of  South  American  indepen- 
dence. He  landed  in  Callao  on  September  I,  1823,  and 
was  received  with  acclamations.  Shortly  after,  he  entered 
Lima  amid  the  joy  of  the  people.  He  recruited  the 
Peruvian  army,  and  marched  from  Lima  in  the  second 


140  SOUTH   AMERICA 

week  of  November.  His  principal  generals  in  this  cam- 
paign were  the  chivalrous  Sucre  and  the  heroic"  English 
soldier  William  Miller. 

There  were  patriots  of  many  lands  in  this  new  army  of 
liberation.  Some  of  them  had  fought  at  Mayp6  and 
Boyaca;  some  had  followed  the  eagles  of  France  under 
Napoleon,  others  the  cross  of  St.  George  under  Welling- 
ton. Many  had  fought  under  San  Martin.  General 
Miller  was  the  chief  of  staff  of  the  Peruvian  army. 

There  are  men  who  become  the  souls  of  great  organi- 
zations. Such  a  man  was  Jose  de  Antonio  Sucre,  whom 
Bolivar  called  the  "  soul  of  the  army."  He  was  born  at 
Cumana,  Venezuela,  February  3,  1 795-  He  was  a  military 
student  of  Caracas.  While  yet  a  youth  he  espoused  the 
patriot  cause.  He  was  given  a  position  upon  the  staff  of 
General  Miranda.  He  joined  the  invading  forces  under 
Marino,  and  in  1814  those  of  Bolivar.  After  the  tempo- 
rary defeat  of  the  patriot  cause  Sucre  took  refuge  in  Trini- 
dad. On  Bolivar's  landing  in  Venezuela  in  1816  Sucre 
again  joined  the  patriot  forces.  In  1,818  Bolivar  commis- 
sioned him  to  secure  arms  in  the  West  Indies.  Sucre 
pledged  his  own  fortune  for  the  payment  of  the  arms.  He 
returned  with  nearly  ten  thousand  stands  of  arms  and 
twelve  cannon.  Bolivar  made  him  chief  of  staff.  Sucre 
put  his  whole  soul  into  the  reorganization  of  the  patriot 
army.  He  inspired  the  troops  in  the  victorious  invasion 
of  New  Granada  in  1819.  He  led  the  movement  south 
to  Quito.  In  1821  he  landed  at  Guayaquil  to  protect  the 
patriot  government  that  had  been  established  there.  He 
marched  upon  Quito,  and  on  May  24,  1822,  won  a  great 
battle  at  Pichincha.  This  victory  ended  the  Spanish  power 
in  Ecuador.  The  new  republic  joined  the  United  States 
of  Colombia.  Sucre,  steadily  rising  by  merit,  was  made 
major-general  and  intendant  of  the  department  of  Quito. 


THE    DECISIVE    BA 


In  1823  he  led  a  part  of  the  army  of  Colombia  for  the  lib- 
eration *of  Peru.  He  refused  the  chief  command  of  the 
army,  but  awaited  the  arrival  of  Bolivar  in  Peru. 

Bolivar  was  made  Dictator  of  Peru.  At  the  beginning 
of  the  campaign  his  force  consisted  of  six  thousand  Colom- 
bians and  four  thousand  Peruvians.  The  liberating  army 
concentrated  at  Huaraz,  in  the  ancient  land  of  the  Incas. 
At  this  place  among  the  high  Andes,  General  Miller,  who 
had  done  brilliant  service  on  the  coast,  for  the  first  time 
met  General  Bolivar.  The  day  after  this  meeting  General 
Miller  was  appointed  commandant-general  of  the  Peru- 
vian cavalry,  which  was  composed  of  intrepid  mountaineers. 
The  beautiful  valley  of  Huaraz  became  the  scene  of  the 
preparation  for  the  great  campaign  against  the  last  of 
the  viceroys. 

The  royalist  chiefs  had  gained  advantages  since  the 
campaign  of  San  Martin.  They  hoped  in  this  campaign 
to  overthrow  Bolivar,  to  regain  Peru,  and  to  reestablish  the 
South  American  viceroyalties.  The  viceroy  entered  upon 
the  war  in  Upper  Peru  confident  of  victory.  He  seemed 
to  think  that  it  was  the  will  of  destiny  that  the  viceroys  of 
Spain  should  be  successful,  and  that  the  banner  of  Spain 
should  again  wave  in  triumph  over  the  lands  of  the  Incas. 

Jn  the  "  Life  of  General  Miller  "  is  ft  dfcscriptfom  of  the 
review  of  the  patriot  army  by  General  Bolivar:  "  On  the 
2d  of  August  Bolivar  reviewed  his  forces,  nine  thousand 
strong,  on  the  plain  between  Rancas  and  Pasco.  The 
troops  were  well  appointed,  and  made  a  really  brilliant 
appearance.  An  energetic  address  from  the  Liberator 
was  read  to  each  corps  at  the  same  moment,  and  pro- 
duced indescribable  enthusiasm.  Nothing  could  exceed 
the  excitement  felt  upon  that  occasion.  Every  circum- 
stance tended  to  impart  a  most  romantic  interest  to  the 
scene.  Near  the  same  spot,  four  years  before,  the  royal- 


142  SOUTH   AMERICA 

ists  had  been  defeated  by  General  Arenales.  The  view 
from  the  table-land,  upon  which  the  troops  were  reviewed, 
and  which  is  at  an  elevation  of  more  than  twelve  thousand 
feet  above  the  level  of  the  sea,  is  perhaps  the  most  mag- 
nificent in  the  world.  On  the  west  arose  the  Andes,  which 
had  just  been  surmounted  with  so  much  toil.  On  the 
east  were  enormous  ramifications  of  the  Cordilleras,  stretch- 
ing toward  Brazil.  North  and  south  the  view  was  bounded 
by  mountains  whose  tops  were  hidden  in  the  clouds.  On 
that  plain,  surrounded  by  such  sublime  scenery,  and  on 
the  margin  of  the  most  magnificent"  lake  of  Reyes,  the 
principal  source  of  the  Amazon,  the  mightiest  of  rivers, 
were  now  assembled  men  from  Caracas,  Panama,  Quito, 
Lima,  Chili  and  Buenos  Ayres ;  men  who  had  fought  at 
Maypo  in  Chili,  at  San  Lorenzo  on  the  banks  of  the 
Parana,  at  Carabobo  in  Venezuela,  and  at  Pichincha  at 
the  foot  of  the  Chimborazo.  Amid  those  devoted  Amer- 
icans were  a  few  foreigners,  still  firm  and  faithful  to 
the  cause  in  support  of  which  so  many  of  their  country- 
men had  fallen.  Among  those  few  survivors  were  men 
who  had  fought  on  the  banks  of  the  Guadiana  and  of  the 
Rhine,  who  had  witnessed  the  conflagration  of  Moscow 
and  the  capitulation  of  Paris.  Such  were  the  men  as- 
sembled at  what  might  be  considered  a  fresh  starting- 
point  in  the  career  of  glory.  American  or  European, 
they  were  all  animated  by  one  sole  spirit,  that  of  assuring 
the  political  existence  of  a  vast  continent.  The  exhila- 
rating vivas  of  the  troops  filled  every  breast  with  ardor 
and  prophetic  hope." 

The  two  armies  had  their  first  encounter  at  Junin,  a 
battle  of  the  saber  and  lance,  at  which  no  shot  was  fired. 
The  patriots  had  the  advantage,  and  Bolivar,  seeing  that 
final  victory  in  the  field  was  assured,  retired  from  the 
army,  and  gave  himself  to  the  demands  of  state*. 


THE    DECISIVE    BATTLE  143 

The  viceroy  took  command  of  the  army  of  some  thir- 
teen thousand  men  in  the  historic  province  of  Cuzco,  the 
scene  of  the  Incarial  capital.  General  Miller  and  his 
mountaineers  led  the  van  of  the  patriots.  The  two  armies 
met  on  the  hills  and  plain  of  Ayacucho.  The  liberating 
army  was  drawn  up  on  the  plain,  and  the  royalists  on  the 
summit  of  a  ridge. 

The  night  before  the  battle,  on  the  results  of  which 
hung  the  cause  of  South  America  and  the  destiny  of 
Spain  in  the  lands  the  viceroys  had  despoiled,  was  one  of 
the  deepest  anxiety.  The  army  of  the  viceroy  was  much 
larger  than  that  of  the  liberators,  and  it  was  confident  of 
success. 

The  morning  of  December  9,  1824,  dawned  bright  and 
clear  on  the  stupendous  mountain-peaks  of  the  province 
of  Cuzco.  There  was  a  mountain  chilliness  in  the  first 
purple  light,  but  when  the  sun  burst  forth  over  the  valley, 
a  genial  warmth  made  nature  as  lovely  as  in  the  days  of 
the  great  Inca  festivals.  The  patriots  beheld  in  the  bright- 
ness of  the  day  a  favorable  omen,  like  that  of  Maypo. 

The  royalist  army  appeared  on  the  hills.  The  viceroy 
was  at  its  head.  It  descended  through  the  craggy  ravines 
with  the  step  of  expectant  victory. 

General  Sucre  rode  along  the  line  of  the  patriot  army. 
He  felt  the  full  responsibility  of  the  hour.  He  wheeled 
and  faced  the  army  at  a  central  point,  and,  raising  his 
voice  to  a  trumpet-tone,  he  said :  "  Soldiers,  on  what 
we  do  to-day  depends  the  destiny  of  South  America!  " 
He  turned  his  face  to  the  enemy  descending  the  hills. 
He  pointed  to  the  banners  of  Spain.  "  Soldiers,  another 
day  of  glory  is  to  crown  your  constancy  to  the  cause  of 
liberty!" 

Vivas  answered  the  address.  The  men  felt  that  the 
day  of  destiny  had  indeed  arrived.  They  waited  the  shock 


144  SOUTH    AMERICA 

with  hearts  that  beat  high  for  their  own  cause  and  the 
cause  of  liberty  in  the  world.  The  Spanish  army  had 
reached  the  plain.  "Cordova,  advance!"  commanded 
Sucre. 

General  Cordova  leaped  from  his  horse,  and  placed 
himself  some  fifteen  yards  in  front  of  his  division  of  heroes. 
He  lifted  his  hat,  and  exclaimed  :  "Adelante,  paso  de  vence- 
dores  !  "  ("  Forward,  with  the  step  of  conquerors ! ") 

The  men  advanced.  Their  hearts  were  filled  with  the 
valor  that  knows  no  defeat.  They  launched  themselves 
upon  the  Spanish  bayonets  as  though  life  was  naught. 
The  onset  was  irresistible. 

The  army  of  the  viceroy  was  shattered.  The  viceroy 
himself  was  wounded  and  was  taken  prisoner.  Nothing 
could  stand  before  the  spirit  of  the  patriots.  The  royal- 
ists rushed  to  the  cover  of  the  hills,  falling  on  every  side 
under  the  fire  of  the  patriot  artillery  and  the  charges  of  the 
cavalry.  Their  cause  was  lost  forever. 

The  battle  lasted  but  one  hour.  It  is  the  greatest  in  its 
valor  and  results  in  South  American  history.  In  that 
single  hour  fourteen  hundred  royalists  were  killed  and 
seven  hundred  wounded.  They  left  their  artillery  on  the 
field.  At  sunset  the  royalist  general  sued  for  terms,  and 
entered  the  tent  of  Sucre  to  sign  the  articles  of  capitu- 
lation. 

At  midnight  General  Miller  went  to  see  the  fallen  vice- 
roy. His  biographer  thus  records  the  memorable  inter- 
view: 

"  About  midnight  he  visited  the  captive  viceroy,  General 
La  Serna,  who  had  been  placed  in  one  of  the  best  of  the 
miserable  habitations  of  Quinua.  When  Miller  entered  he 
found  the  viceroy  sitting  on  a  bench,  and  leaning  against 
the  mud  wall  of  the  hut.  A  feeble  glimmering  from  the 
wick  of  a  small  earthen  lamp  threw  just  enough  light 


THE    DECISIVE    BATTLE  145 

around  to  render  visible  his  features,  which  were  shaded 
by  his  white  hair,  still  partially  clotted  with  blood  from 
the  wound  he  had  received.  His  person,  tall,  and  at  all 
times  dignified,  now  appeared  most  venerable  and  inter- 
esting. The  attitude,  the  situation  and  the  scene  were  pre- 
cisely those  which  an  historical  painter  would  have  chosen 
to  represent  the  dignity  of  fallen  greatness.  Reflecting  on 
the  vicissitudes  of  fortune,  it  may  be  imagined  with  what 
feelings  Miller  advanced  toward  the  man  who,  but  a  few 
hours  previously,  had  exercised  a  kingly  power.  The  vice- 
roy was  the  first  to  speak,  and  holding  out  his  hand,  said : 
'  You,  general,  we  all  know  full  well.  We  have  always  con- 
sidered you  as  a  personal  friend,  notwithstanding  all  the 
mischief  you  have  done,  and  the  state  of  alarm  in  which  you 
have  so  repeatedly  kept  us.  In  spite  of  my  misfortunes,  I 
rejoice  to  see  you.'  The  viceroy  afterward  observed  that  a 
sentry  had  been  placed,  as  he  supposed  by  some  mistake,  in 
the  same  room  with  him,  and  that  in  the  confusion  and  hurry 
of  the  time  his  own  wound  had  not  even  been  washed. 
General  Miller  immediately  ordered  the  guard  outside,  and 
sent  for  a  surgeon.  When  the  wound  was  dressed,  Miller, 
in  tendering  his  further  services,  told  the  viceroy  that  the 
only  refreshment  he  had  it  in  his  power  to  offer  was  a 
little  tea,  which  he  happened  to  have  with  him,  and  which 
he  believed  no  other  person  in  the  army  could  supply. 
The  viceroy,  enfeebled  by  loss  of  blood,  appeared  to 
revive  at  the  very  mention  of  this  beverage.  He  said: 
'  It  is,  indeed,  the  only  thing  I  could  now  take.  One 
cup  of  it  would  reanimate  and  keep  me  from  sinking.' 
When  the  tea  was  brought,  the  venerable  viceroy  drank  it 
with  eagerness,  and  was  perhaps  more  grateful  for  this  sea- 
sonable relief  than  for  any  other  kindness  or  favor  he  had 
ever  received.  He  expressed  his  acknowledgments  in  the 
warmest  terms  to  Miller,  who  felt  peculiar  gratification  in 


146  SOUTH    AMERICA 

having  it  in  his  power  to  pay  this  small  attention  to  the 
distinguished  prisoner.  He  had  been  long  before  informed 
that  the  viceroy  had  repeatedly  declared  that,  in  the  event 
of  his  (Miller's)  being  taken  prisoner,  he  should  be  treated 
as  a  brother  (como  hermano),  and  furnished  with  ample 
means  to  return  to  his  own  country,  the  only  condition 
meant  to  be  imposed  upon  him." 

The  patriot  army  entered  Cuzco  in  triumph  on  Christ- 
mas day,  1824.  The  battle  crowned  the  plans  of  Boli- 
var for  the  emancipation  of  South  America.  He  was  now 
at  the  height  of  his  power,  the  hero  of  the  continent,  and 
hailed  wherever  he  went  as  being  more  a  god  than  a  man. 
Who  that  saw  him  in  these  fortunate  days  could  have  be- 
lieved that  his  heart  would  ever  be  crushed  again  ? 

The  greatest  honors  of  his  life  now  awaited  him.  The 
provinces  of  Upper  Peru  had  once  formed  a  part  of  the 
viceroyalty  of  Buenos  Ayres.  The  Argentine  Republic 
now  relinquished  its  claim,  and  left  this  land  of  the  valleys, 
of  the  mountains  and  the  sky  to  follow  its  own  will,  either 
to  incorporate  itself  with  the  republic  of  Peru,  or  to  remain 
as  a  part  of  the  republic  of  Argentina,  or  to  form  a  separate 
government,  as  it  chose.  The  people  elected  a  delibera- 
tive assembly.  This  met  at  Chuquisaca  in  1825,  and  de- 
cided that  Upper  Peru,  the  land  of  the  Incas  and  high 
Andes,  should  become  a  free  and  independent  nation. 
What  should  be  its  name?  The  gratitude  of  the  people 
would  find  expression  in  one  that  would  associate  the 
name  of  the  new  nation  with  that  of  the  Liberator.  The 
new  republic  was  called  Bolivia.  The  name  was  hailed 
with  rejoicing  by  the  sisterhood  of  republics. 

The  assembly  voted  a  million  dollars  to  General  Bolivar 
as  a  reward  for  his  services.  Bolivar,  like  San  Martin,  did 
not  covet  money.  He  gave  a  large  portion  of  his  own 
private  fortune  to  the  patriot  cause.  He  accepted  the  gift 


THE    DECISIVE    BATTLE  147 

of  the  new  republic  only  on  the  condition  that  the  money 
should  be  used  for  the  emancipation  of  slaves  in  Bolivia. 

The  Congress  of  Lima  in  1825  elected  General  Bolivar 
perpetual  Dictator.  He  now  made  a  journey  through  the 
high  provinces  of  the  new  republics.  He  was  hailed  with 
salvos  of  artillery,  the  vivas  of  the  people,  the  ringing  of 
bells  and  scattering  of  flowers.  He  entered  Cuzco  in 
triumph.  Such  a  day  had  probably  never  been  seen  since 
the  festivals  of  the  Incas.  His  reception  at  Potosi  reads 
like  a  poem.  When  two  leagues  from  the  city  he  met 
the  first  of  a  number  of  triumphal  arches  that  recorded 
his  deeds  and  his  glory.  About  these  arches  were  gath- 
ered Indians  in  festal  dress,  with  plumes  and  ornaments, 
who  danced  after  the  manner  of  their  joyous  festivals.  The 
dancers  and  their  chiefs  wore  medals  on  which  was 
stamped  the  head  of  Bolivar.  He  was  met  by  the  lead- 
ing citizens  on  horseback,  preceded  by  the  alcaldes  with 
gilded  staffs.  These  were  followed  by  the  clergy  in 
festal  robes.  The  cerro,  or  highland,  »of  Potosi  is  very 
grand  and  commanding.  As  soon  as  Bolivar  came  into 
view  of  it,  the  flags  of  the  republics  of  Peru,  Buenos 
Ayres,  Chili  and  Colombia  were,  at  the  same  moment, 
unroUed  to  the  sun.  As  he  entered  the  town,  twenty- 
one  powerful  shells  were  exploded,  the  report  of  which 
was  equal  to  that  of  "  six  twenty-four  pounders."  The 
bells  rang ;  the  windows  were  draped  in  silk  and  festooned 
with  flowers.  The  balconies  were  thronged  with  ladies. 
The  shouts  of  fifty  thousand  people  rent  the  air.  He  came 
to  the  government  palace.  A  great  arch  rose  before  it. 
From  this  'two  children  dressed  in  white,  representing 
angels,  were  let  down  as  from  the  skies,  and  each  pro- 
nounced before  him  poetic  orations.  In  the  flower-strewn 
halls  he  was  crowned  with  laurels  by  the  ladies  of  Potosi. 
A  grand  Te  Deum  followed  in  the  church,  to  which  he 


148  SOUTH    AMERICA 

was  conducted  amid  salvos  of  artillery.  He  was  seated 
under  a  canopy. 

General  Sucre  was  with  Bolivar  on  the  day  of  his  tri- 
umph at  Potosi.  A  constitution  was  formed  for  Bolivia, 
called  the  "  Code  Boliviano."  Under  it  General  Sucre 
was  elected  President.  The  Code  Boliviano  was  accepted 
by  Peru,  under  the  influence  of  Bolivar,  and  under  it 
Bolivar  was  elected  Presidente  vitalicio. 

Bolivar  departed  for  Colombia  to  enter  upon  a  larger 
scheme  for  humanity  than  had  yet  engaged  the  powers 
of  his  sympathetic  heart  and  mind,  the  peace  and  unity 
Congress  of  Panama. 

The  armies  of  the  north ~  and  of  the  south  and  the 
central  army  were  now  triumphant.  What  South  America 
needed  was  that  political  education  that  would  bring  sta- 
bility to  the  republics. 

Bolivar  perceived  it.  The  Congress  of  Panama  would 
suggest  to  the  sisterhood  of  republics  their  way  td  the 
highest  destiny. 


CHAPTER   XIV 

THE  PANAMA  CONGRESS  OF  1826 — THE  UNION  AND 
PEACE  OF  THE  AMERICAN  REPUBLICS— THE  LAST 
DAYS  OF  SIMON  BOLIVAR 

IN  the  year  1826  there  assembled  at  Panama  an  inter- 
national congress  that  was  a  prophecy  of  the  future, 
a  political  previsipn.  It  was  convened  by  Simon  Bolivar, 
liberator,  conqueror,  protector,  president,  then  at  the 
height  of  his  political  power.  In  Bolivar's  opinion  the 
time  had  come  for  all  American  republics  to  form  one 
congress  for  the  protection  of  the  liberties  and  peace  of 
the  republics  of  the  western  world. 

The  congress  was  in  a  sense  a  failure,  but  it  was  a  sug- 
gestion. The  twentieth  century  was  in  it.  The  Inter- 
national American  Conference  of  1890  was  an  outcome 
of  it. 

The  nature  and  purpose  of  this  congress  were  expressed 
by  Mr.  Conas,  of  the  republics  of  Central  America,  in  these 
words :  "  Europe  has  formed  a  continental  system,  and 
holds  a  congress  whenever  questions  affecting  its  interests 
are  to  be  discussed.  America  should  have  a  similar  sys- 
tem." 

The  Congress  of  Panama  in  1826  was  first  planned  by 
Bolivar  to  secure  the  union  of  the  Spanish- American 
republics  against  Spain.  The  Monroe  Doctrine  had  placed 

149 


ISO  SOUTH    AMERICA 

the  United  States  in  an  unequivocal  position  in  such 
matters.  The  Northern  republic  was  included  in  the 
invitation  of  the  Liberator  to  unite  in  the  congress. 

In  a  paper  written  in  1815,  in  exile,  called  his  "Pro- 
phetic Letter/'  Bolivar  thus  expresses  his  hopes:  "  How 
grand  would  it  be  if  the  Isthmus  of  Panama  could  be  to 
us  what  Corinth  was  to  the  Greeks!  God  grant  that  we 
may  some  day  have  the  fortune  of  convening  there  an 
august  congress  of  the  representatives  of  the  republics, 
kingdoms  and  empires  tp  discuss  the  all-important  inter- 
ests of  peace  and  war  with  the  nations  of  the  world!  " 

He  was  then  President  of  Colombia.  He  caused  invi- 
tations *o  such  a  congress  to  be1  issued  to  the  govern- 
ments of  the  Spanish- American  states,  and  subsequently 
to  the  United  States.  Said  Bolivar:  "The  states  from 
Manama  to  Guatemala  may  form  a  union.  The  magnificent 
position  of  America,  situated  between  the  two  oceans,  will 
in  due  time  make  it  the  emporium  of  the  universe.  Its 
canals  will  shorten  the  distance  which  separates  the  nations 
of  the  earth." 

The  general  assembly  of  American  republics  met  at 
Panama  on  June  22,  1826.  Colombia,  Central  America, 
Peru  and  Mexico  were  represented  at  the  first  meeting. 
Great  Britain  sent  agents  to  study  the  proceedings.  The 
assembly  held  ten  meetings.-  The  result  is  described  in 
the  following  resolution  which  was  passed : 

"The  republics  of  Colombia,  Central  America,  Peru 
and  the  Mexican  states  do  mutually  ally  and  confederate 
themselves  in  peace  and  war  in  a  perpetual  compact,  the 
object  of  which  shall  be  to  maintain  the  sovereignty  and 
independence  of  the  confederated  powers  against  foreign 
„  subjection,  and  to  secure  the  enjoyment  of  unalterable 
peace." 

A  long  series  of  resolutions  was  adopted.     The  outcome 


LAST   DAYS   OF    SIMON    BOLIVAR  151 

of  the  congress,  however,  did  not  meet  the  expectations 
of  Bolivar. 

Let  us  now  turn  to  the  last  sad  years  of  this  brilliant 
man. 

"The  fate  of  the  emancipators  of  South  America,"  says 
General  Mitre,  "  is  tragical.  The  first  revolutionists  of 
La  Paz  and  of  Quito  died  on  the  scaffold.  Miranda,  the 
apostle  of  liberty,  betrayed  by  his  own  people  to  his 
enemies,  died,  alone  and  naked,  in  a  dungeon.  Moreno, 
the  priest  of  the  Argentine  revolution,  and  the  teacher  of 
the  democratic  idea,  died  at  sea,  and  found  a  grave  in  the 
ocean.  Hidalgo,  the  first  popular  leader  of  Mexico,  was 
executed  as  a  criminal.  Belgrano,  the  first  champion  of 
Argentine  independence,  who  saved  the  revolution  at 
Tucuman  and  Salta,  died  obscurely,  while  civil  war  raged 
round  him.  O'Higgins,  the  hero  of  Chili,  died  in  exile, 
as  Carrera,  his  rival,  had  done  before  him.  Iturbide,  the 
real  liberator  of  Mexico,  fell  a  victim  to  his  own  ambition. 
Montufar,  the  leader  of  the  revolution  in  Quito,  and  his 
comrade  Villavicencio,  the  promoter  of  that  of  Cartagena, 
were  strangled.  The  first  presidents  of  New  Granada, 
Lozano  and  Torres,  fell  sacrifices  to  the  restoration  of 
colonial  terrorism.  Piar,  who  found  the  true  base  for  the 
insurrection  in  Colombia,  was  shot  by  Bolivar,  to  whom 
he  had  shown  the  way  to  victory.  Rivadavia,  the  civil 
genius  of  South  America,  who  gave  form  to  her  represen- 
tative institutions,  died  in  exile.  Sucre,  the  conqueror  of 
Ayacucho,  was  murdered  by  his  own  men  on  a  lonely 
road.  Bolivar  and  San  Martin  died  in  banishment." 

In  January,  1830,  Bolivar,  accused  by  his  .enemies  of 
personal  ambition,  resigned  the  presidency  for  the  fifth 
time.  He  was  reflected.  In  Colombia  there  was  a  power- 
ful disunion  party  which  he  endeavored  to  overcome.  Its 
principles  set  at  naught  the  visions  and  highjimbitions  of 

r^tB? "uiSafijN 

V*        OF  THB  r 

UNIVERSITY 


152  SOUTH   AMERICA 

his  thrilling  life.  The  disunionists  were  powerful  in  the 
Colombian  Congress.  They  voted  to  accept  his  proffered 
resignation,  and  to  bestow  upon  him  a  pension  of  three 
thousand  dollars  a  year  on  the  condition  that  he  should 
reside  abroad.  The  resolution  broke  his  heart.  The  unity 
of  Colombia  and  South  America  seemed  to  be  shattered  by 
it.  He  sent  his  final  resignation  to  Congress  on  April  27, 
1830.  He  left  Bogota  and  went  to  Caracas  on  May  9, 
with  the  intention  of  embarking  from  Cartagena  for  Eng- 
land, to  go  into  exile  there.  Grief  and  disappointment 
wore  upon  him.  His  health  failed.  The  sword  had  been 
too  sharp  for  the  scabbard.  He  went  to  Santa  Marta  to 
visit  the  bishop  there,  who  was  his  friend.  At  Cartagena 
he  had  heard  of  the  unhappy  death  of  Sucre.  The  friends 
of  Bolivar  called  upon  him  to  put  himself  at  the  head  of  a 
new  movement  and  restore  the  union  of  Colombia.  But 
his  malady  was  fatal.  At  Santa  Marta  he  breathed  the 
fresh  sea-air,  and  recalled  the  events  of  his  life  from  the 
oath  at  Rome  to  the  triumphal  arches  of  Potosi.  At  the 
quinta  of  San  Pedro,  seven  miles  from  Santa  Marta,  came 
the  last  pathetic  scene.  Seated  in  an  arm-chair,  and  wait- 
ing to  receive  the  last  rites  of  the  church,  he  dictated  an 
address  to  the  Colombian  people,  in  which  he  said :  "  My 
wishes  are  for  the  happiness  of  the  people.  If  my  death 
should  unite  them  I  will  go  to  the  tomb  content — yes, 
to  the  tomb!  The  people  send  me  there,  but  I  forgive 
them." 

.So  died  Simon  Bolivar,  on  December  17,  1830,  at  the 
age  of  forty-seven  years.  He  had  an  ardent  nature. 
Only  a  great  soul  could  have  accomplished  what  he  did. 
He  has  been  criticized,  and  not  without  cause,  but  he 
must  be  numbered  among  the  heroes  of  civilization,  liberty 
and  progress. 

Bolivar   may  not   have   been  a  Washington,  but   the 


LAST   DAYS   OF    SIMON   BOLIVAR  153 

struggles  of  his  soul  to  fulfil  what  is  noblest  in  life  appear 
in  his  letters  and  proclamations,  in  the  surrender  of  his  pri- 
vate fortune  to  the  public  good,  and  in  the  peril  to  which  he 
exposed  his  life.  He  must  have  a  low  vision  indeed  who 
can  only  seek  in  such  a  life  incidents  for  criticism  and 
detraction.  A  work  written  by  an  officer  whom  Bolivar 
had  offended  and  dismissed  represents  the  Liberator  as 
given  over  to  his  passions,  as  living  constantly  in  the 
practice  of  dissimulation,  as  vainglorious,  and  as  seeking 
the  supreme  power.  Against  such  accusations  are  these 
facts,  namely,  on  the  death  of  his  beloved  wife  the  Liber- 
ator resolved  never  to  marry  again,  so  that  he  might  de- 
vote all  his  thought  to  the  cause  of  South  American  liberty ; 
again  and  again  he  placed  his  resignation  of  the  highest 
trusts  into  the  hands  of  the  representatives  of  the  people; 
he  declared  that  if  his  death  would  better  serve  the  cause 
of  liberty  and  unity  he  was  willing  to  die.  It  is  said  that 
San  Martin  was  less  an  individual  than  a  mission,  and 
Botivar  was  more  a  cause  than  a  general. 

Three  notable  declarations  of  Bolivar,  all  made  in  his 
youth,  reveal  perfectly  his  character  and  life  :  That  spoken 
on  Monte  Sacro,  Rome :  "  I  pledge  my  life  to  liberty ! " 
Another  spoken  at  Caracas  at  the  time  of  the  earthquake  : 
"  If  nature  herself  opposes  us,  we  will  compel  her  to 
obey."  A  third  one  spoken  at  Cartagena:  "I  disregard 
rank  and  distinction,  because  I  aspire  to  a  more  honorable 
destiny — to  shed  my  blood  for  the  liberty  of  my  country ! " 


CHAPTER   XV 

WILLIAM    WHEELWRIGHT   AND   THE   INDUSTRIAL 
HEROES 

THERE  are  few  more  beautiful  monuments  in  the 
cemeteries  of  the  world  than  that  of  William  Wheel- 
wright in  the  Recoleta  of  Buenos  Ayres,  and  as  few  that 
commemorate  so  wonderful  a  history.  A  memorial  to  his 
memory  is  also  to  be  found  in  Valparaiso.  He  was  buried 
atNewburyport,  where  a  plain  monument  marks  his  resting- 
place. 

This  man  of  marvelous  achievements  was  once,  when 
young,  a  wrecked  sailor  on  the  shores  of  the  Rio  de  la  Plata. 
He  is  so  represented  in  the  Buenos  Ayres  monument.  He 
entered  the  vast  and  undeveloped  regions  of  the  pampas 
as  a  castaway.  He  perceived  the  needs  of  the  immense 
regions.  He  rose  superior  to  misfortune  and  changed  the 
face  of  the  maritime  world.  As  an  illustration  of  the 
transcendent  power  of  the  human  will,  without  other 
resources  than  those  it  can  gain,  his  life  is  almost  unex- 
ampled. In  the  industrial  world  he  ranks  with  Franklin, 
and  among  men  of  spiritual  vision,  and  almost  impossible 
achievement,  with  Bolivar  and  San  Martin. 

There  is  a  notable  sentence  in  the  Hon.  Caleb  Cushing's 
introduction  to  the  "  Life  of  Wheelwright^"  It  indirectly 
pictures  the  hero  of  the  future,  the  true  leader  of  the 

154 


WILLIAM    WHEELWRIGHT  155 

armies  of  beneficence.  Mr.  Gushing  says:  "The  con- 
templation of  his  life  suggests  two  prominent  considera- 
tions for  South  America,  namely,  that  war  is  not  the  only 
department  of  service  which  entitles  one  to  a  place  in 
history,  and  that  a  foreigner,  even  if  he  is  not  a  citizen, 
may  sometimes  do  more  to  promote  a  country's  welfare 
than  the  most  distinguished  patriot." 

Wheelwright  saw  what  South  America  might  become, 
and  attempted  to  make  real  the  vision.  He  was  considered 
a  visionary.  "  If  that  insane  Wheelwright  calls  here 
again,"  said  an  English  consul  to  a  servant,  "  do  not  admit 
him."  All  the  world  and  fate  seemed  against  him,  yet  his 
faith  rose  over  all. 

He  was  born  in  Newburyport,  Massachusetts,  in  1 798.  He 
early  became  a  sailor.  When  he  was  but  nineteen  years 
of  age  he  commanded  a  bark  bound  for  Rio  de  Janeiro. 
The  year  1823  found  him  in  command  of  the  ship  Rising 
Empire,  when  he  was  wrecked  at  the  mouth  of  the  Rio  de 
la  Plata.  He  arrived  in  Buenos  Ayres  empty-handed. 
The  wreck  had  shown  him  one  of  the  needs  of  South 
America,  namely,  safe  harbors.  He  became  a  supercargo 
on  a  ship  bound  around  the  Horn  to  Valparaiso.  His 
ambition  now  was  to  improve  the  navigation  of  South 
America,  and  he  adopted  that  country  as  his  home. 

He  was  United  States  consul  at  Guayaquil  from  1824 
to  1829.  He  improved  harbors,  and  established  a  line 
of  vessels  between  Valparaiso  and  Cobija.  He  added 
to  this  enterprise  a  line  of  steamers  on  the  west  coast. 
He  sought  aid  from  the  United  States  for  his  ship  schemes, 
but  it  was  refused.  Not  daunted  by  failure,  he  went  to  Eng- 
land. He  there  received  a  favorable  hearing.  He  organ- 
ized the  Pacific  Steam  Navigation  Company,  which  has 
proved  a  great  benefit  to  England  and  South  America, 
and  also  to  the  civilized  world. 


156  SOUTH    AMERICA 

The  Pacific  Steam  Navigation  Company,  in  1876,  oper- 
ated fifty-four  steamers  and  controlled  the  route  through 
Panama.  Wheelwright  now  dominated  the  southern  sea. 
The  Andes  lifted  their  giant  towers  above  him.  Could 
they  also  be  controlled,  harnessed  with  iron,  made  high- 
ways through  the  air?  He  attempted  that  task.  He 
caused  a  railroad  to  be  built  from  Valparaiso  to  Santiago. 
It  was  but  the  beginning  of  colossal  schemes.  He  opened 
the  port  of  Caldera,  and  built  a  railway  from  it  to  Copiapo. 
He  next  planned  a  railroad  from  Caldera  across  the  Andes 
to  Rosario.  This  proved  to  be  the  forerunner  of  the  trans- 
andine  railroad,  now  nearly  completed,  one  of  the  most 
stupendous  works  ever  accomplished  by  man.  In  1863  he 
obtained  the  concession  for  the  Grand  Argentine  Central 
Railway.  In  1872  he  completed  a  railroad  thirty  miles 
long,  from  Buenos  Ayres  to  the  harbor  of  Ensenada.  This 
was  connected  with  the  railroad  across  the  pampas. 

This  man  gave  to  benevolent  purposes  about  six  hun- 
dred thousand  dollars.  He  died  in  London,  September  26, 
1873,  at  tne  age  °f  seventy-five.  His  full-length  portrait 
now  adorns  the  Merchants'  Exchange  at  Valparaiso. 

The  industrial  progress  of  Peru  is  largely  associated 
with  the  enterprises  of  Henry  Meiggs,  a  man  of  wonderful 
achievements  and  remarkable  mistakes.  He  had  a  noble 
heart.  The  payment  of  his  debts  in  full,  when  beyond  the 
reach  of  his  creditors,  proves  that  he  was  an  honest  man. 
With  his  many  mistakes,  Henry  Meiggs  must  be  numbered 
among  the  world's  benefactors. 

He  was  born  in  Catskill,  New  York,  on  July  7,  1811. 
He  came  to  New  York  when  a  young  man,  and  engaged 
in  the  lumber- trade.  He  failed  in  the  crisis  of  1837,  at 
the  age  of  twenty- six.  He  recovered  from  the  disaster, 
and  at  once  established  a  lumber-yard  at  Williamsburg, 
New  York.  For  a  while  he  was  prosperous,  but  in  1842 


WILLIAM    WHEELWRIGHT  157 

he  again  met  with  reverses,  and  returned  to  New  York. 
From  there  he  went  to  San  Francisco  with  a  cargo  of 
lumber,  on  which  he  made  a  large  profit.  He  there  saw 
a  new  opportunity. 

He  created  a  fleet  of  lumber  craft,  sloops  and  schooners, 
to  trade  in  lumber  on  the  coast.  He  employed  five  hun- 
dred men  in  felling  trees  for  a  single  sawmill  on  San 
Francisco  Bay.  He  became  rich.  His  name  was  a 
synonym  of  enterprise.  In  the  second  great  financial 
depression,  that  of  1854,  hfe  again  failed,  and  fled  from 
California  to  South  America,  leaving  debts  to  the  amount 
of  one  million  dollars.  He  now  sought  to  recover  his 
fortune  and  to  pay  his  debts  by  engaging  in  enterprises 
of  public  improvement  in  South  America.  He  began 
building  bridges  in  Chili.  In  1858  he  became  a  contractor 
for  the  construction  of  railroads  under  the  Chilian  govern- 
ment. He  was  successful,  realizing  a  profit  of  one-and- 
a-half  million  dollars,  and  made  for  himself  the  reputation 
of  being  one  of  the  most  successful  railroad-builders  in  the 
world. 

The  so-called  Oroya  Railroad,  or  the  Callao,  Lima,  and 
Oroya  Railroad,  Oroya  being  the  high  Andean  terminus, 
is  one  of  the  new  wonders  of  the  world,  and  well  earned 
for  him  a  place  among  the  foremost  captains  of  industry. 
The  purpose  of  this  highway  through  the  clouds  was  to 
connect  the  Atlantic  and  Pacific  oceans  by  rail  and  steam 
— by  rail  over  the  Cordilleras,  and  by  steam  by  means  of  a 
branch  of  the  Amazon  to  the  Amazon,  and  thence  to  the 
sea.  The  railroad  was  to  ascend  a  height  nearly  the  alti- 
tude of  Mont  Blanc.  Great  gorges  would  have  to  be 
surmounted,  rushing  streams  to  be  spanned  with  bridges 
in  what  at  first  seemed  to  be  impossible  places,  tunnels  to 
be  begun  by  men  hanging  from  ropes  over  precipices, 
borings  in  rocks  to  be  made  over  the  chasms.  The  im- 


158  SOUTH    AMERICA 

plements  for  work  would  have  to  be  transported  to  almost 
inaccessible  heights.  Meiggs  faced  all  these  difficulties  in 
the  spirit  of  Bolivar :  "  If  nature  herself  opposes  us,  we 
will  compel  her  to  obey."  The  enterprise  was  begun.  It 
soon  overtaxed  the  financial  resources  of  the  Peruvian 
government. 

Meiggs  then  used  his  private  fortune.  The  iron  road 
gradually  found  its  way  to  Oroya,  at  a  height  of  some 
fourteen  thousand  feet.  Its  connection  with  the  Amazon 
is  but  a  matter  of  time. 

Henry  Meiggs  was  again  a  rich  man.  He  devoted  a 
large  part  of  his  great  wealth  to  paying  his  old  debts, 
principal  and  interest.  To  recover  his  influence  and  to 
say  to  the  world  that  he  was  honest  seems  to  have  been 
his  purpose  through  all  his  misfortunes. 

After  the  liberators  the  industrial  classes  are  the  true 
heroes  and  the  real  army  of  liberation  in  South  America. 
Since  the  period  of  her  independence  of  Spain  the  farmer, 
the  artisan  and  the  schoolmaster  have  been  her  benefactors. 
Out  of  the  war  of  this  army  with  ignorance,  barbarism  and 
the  soil,  her  glory  is  rising  and  will  continue  to  rise. 

In  Argentina  is  the  South  American  Normal  School. 
It  is  training  a  company  of  teachers  to  lead  the  new 
armies  of  peace.  Just  outside  of  Buenos  Ayres  rises 
what  is  claimed  to  be  the  largest  roof  in  the  world.  Be- 
side the  building  are  many  ships,  over  which  fly  the  flags 
of  the  commercial  nations.  There  are  many  large  estancias, 
or  ranches,  there,  on  which  are  flocks  and  herds,  sometimes 
numbering  fifty  thousand  animals.  One  of  these  estancias 
is  owned  by  Nicholas  Lowe.  It  is  situated  some  fifty  or 
more  miles  from  Buenos  Ayres.  Mr.  Lowe  is  a  Scotch- 
man who  has  given  away  a  small  fortune  for  educational 
purposes.  He  has  a  flock  of  more  than  ten  thousand 
sheep,  and  took  one  of  the  prizes  at  the  World's  Colum- 


WILLIAM    WHEELWRIGHT  159 

bian  Exposition.  He  is  reputed  to  be  wealthy.  One  of 
the  squares  in  the  town  is  named  for  him,  and  he  is 
regarded  in  his  part  of  the  country  as  a  benefactor. 
"  When  I  first  came  to  the  country,"  he  said,  "  I  was 
almost  empty-handed.  My  coat  was  my  house.  I  began 
work  with  my  own  spade."  His  home  is  as  beautiful  as 
his  flocks  are  numerous  and  his  fields  wide.  He  came  to 
the  country  to  stay  in  it  and  to  live  in  it.  It  is  such  im- 
migrants as  he  whose  lives  are  beyond  price  to  South 
America,  and  who  are  playing  such  an  important  part  in 
its  development. 


CHAPTER   XVI 
THE  MONROE  DOCTRINE— THE  VENEZUELAN  BOUNDARY 

IN  1 8 14  England  acquired  from  the  Dutch  about  twenty 
thousand  square  miles  of  land  in  Guiana.  This  ter- 
ritory, according  to  the  Venezuelan  view,  had  formerly 
belonged  to  Spain.  It  now  became  a  part  of  the  colonial 
possessions  of  Great  Britain.  Later  England  claimed  that 
the  territory  extending  from  the  mouth  of  the  river  Esse- 
quibo  to  the  Orinoco  was  a  part  of  Dutch  Guiana  when 
that  territory  was  ceded  by  the  Dutch  to  the  English  in 
1814.  Venezuela  replied  that  this  territory  never  be- 
longed to  Dutch  Guiana  at  all,  but  that  it  was  Spanish 
territory,  and  so  became  hers  when  she  established  her 
independence. 

Between  the  years  1839  and  1841  Sir  Robert  H. 
Schomburgk,  without  the  knowledge  of  Venezuela  at  the 
time,  drew  a  boundary-line  for  Great  Britain,  which  gave 
her  60,000  square  miles.  The  territory  claimed  by  the 
English  continued  to  grow.  In  1889  England  claimed 
76,000  square  miles,  and  later  the  claim  was  made  for 
109,000  square  miles. 

After  the  downfall  of  Napoleon  the  Holy  Alliance  of 
Prussia,  Austria  and  Russia  was  formed  in  the  interest 
of  absolutism  in  Europe.  South  America  had  thrown  off 
the  rule  of  Spain,  and  it  was  feared  that  this  council  of 

1 60 


THE    VENEZUELAN   BOUNDARY  l6l 

the  great  European  powers  would  restore  to  Spain  her 
colonies.  It  then  became  a  question  in  the  United  States 
as  to  what  should  be  the  attitude  of  the  American  repub- 
lics in  regard  to  the  interference  of  European  powers  in 
American  affairs. 

In  1823,  when  the  Allies  were  considering  the  affairs  of 
Spain,  President  Monroe  consulted  Thomas  Jefferson  in 
regard  to  the  new  aspect  of  international  affairs.  He  re- 
plied to  President  Monroe's  letters  in  these  strong,  clear 
words :  "  The  question  presented  by  the  letters  you  have 
sent  me  is  the  most  momentous  which  has  ever  been 
offered  to  my  contemplation  since  that  of  independence. 
That  made  us  a  nation ;  this  sets  our  compass,  and  points 
the  course  which  we  are  to  steer  through  the  ocean  of 
time  opening  on  us.  And  never  could  we  embark  upon  it 
under  circumstances  more  auspicious.  Our  first  and  fun- 
damental maxim  should  be,  never  to  entangle  ourselves  in 
the  broils  of  Europe ;  our  second,  never  to  suffer  Europe 
to  intermeddle  with  cisatlantic  affairs.  America,  North 
and  South,  has  a  set  of  interests  distinct  from  those  of 
Europe,  and  peculiarly  her  own.  She  should  therefore 
have  a  system  of  her  own,  separate  and  apart  from  that  of 
Europe.  While  the  last  is  laboring  to  become  the  domi- 
cile of  despotism,  our  endeavor  should  surely  be  to  make 
our  hemisphere  that  of  freedom." 

Shortly  after,  President  Monroe  announced  the  prin- 
ciples of  a  new  policy  which  he  thought  should  govern 
American  diplomacy.  It  is  known  as  the  Monroe  Doc- 
trine. "  The  political  system  of  the  allied  powers  is  essen- 
tially different  in  this  respect  from  that  of  America.  We 
owe  it  therefore  to  candor  and  to  the  amicable  relations 
existing  between  the  United  States  and  those  powers  to 
declare  that  we  should  consider  any  attempt  on  their  part 
to  extend  their  system  to  any  portion  of  this  hemisphere 


1 62  SOUTH   AMERICA 

as  dangerous  to  our  peace  and  safety.  With  the  existing 
colonies  or  dependencies  of  any  European  power  we  have 
not  interfered,  and  shall  not  interfere.  But  with  the 
governments  who  have  declared  their  independence  and 
maintained  it,  and  whose  independence  we  have,  on  great 
consideration  and  on  just  principles,  acknowledged,  we 
could  not  view  any  interposition  for  the  purpose  of  op- 
pressing them,  or  controlling  in  any  manner  their  destiny, 
by  any  European  power,  in  any  other  light  than  as  the 
manifestation  of  an  unfriendly  disposition  toward  the 
United  States. 

"  Our  policy  in  regard  to  Europe,  which  was  adopted 
at  an  early  stage  of  the  wars  which  have  so  long  agitated 
that  quarter  of  the  globe,  nevertheless  remains  the  same, 
which  is  not  to  interfere  in  the  internal  concerns  of  any 
of  its  powers ;  to  consider  the  government  de  facto  as  legiti- 
mate government  for  us;  to  cultivate  friendly  relations 
with  it,  and  to  preserve  those  relations  by  a  frank,  firm 
and  manly  policy,  meeting  in  all  instances  the  just  claims 
of  every  power,  submitting  to  injuries  from  none.  But, 
in  regard  to  these  continents,  circumstances  are  eminently 
and  conspicuously  different.  It  is  impossible  that  the 
allied  powers  should  extend  their  political  system  to  any 
portion  of  either  continent  without  endangering  our  peace 
and  happiness ;  nor  can  any  one  believe  that  our  southern 
brethren,  if  left  to  themselves,  would  adopt  it  of  their 
own  accord.  It  is  equally  impossible,  therefore,  that  we 
should  behold  such  interposition,  in  any  form,  with  indif- 
ference." 

President  Polk  applied  the  doctrine  to  Oregon  and 
Yucatan,  and  President  Buchanan  to  Mexico.  President 
Cleveland  did  likewise  in  regard  to  British  enlargement 
of  territory  in  Venezuela.  England's  claim  to  territory 
larger  than  all  New  England  had  come,  in  his  opinion,  to 


THE   VENEZUELAN    BOUNDARY  163 

be  a  matter  of  territorial  interference  in  America.  In  his 
famous  message  of  December  17,  1895,  President  Cleve- 
land said : 

"  In  my  annual  message  addressed  to  the  Congress  on 
the  3d  inst.,  I  called  attention  to  the  pending  boundary 
controversy  between  Great  Britain  and  the  republic  of 
Venezuela,  and  recited  the  substance  of  a  representation 
made  by  this  government  to  her  Britannic  Majesty's  gov- 
ernment, suggesting  reasons  why  such  dispute  should  be 
submitted  to  arbitration  for  settlement,  and  inquiring 
whether  it  would  be  so  submitted. 

"  If  a  European  power,  by  an  extension  of  its  boundaries, 
takes  possession  of  the  territory  of  one  of  our  neighboring 
republics  against  its  will  and  in  derogation  of  its  rights, 
it  is  difficult  to  see  why,  to  that  extent,  such  European 
power  does  not  thereby  attempt  to  extend  its  system  of 
government  to  that  portion  of  this  continent  which  is  thus 
taken.  This  is  the  precise  action  which  President  Monroe 
declared  to  be  '  dangerous  to  our  peace  and  safety,'  and 
it  can  make  no  difference  whether  the  European  system 
is  extended  by  an  advance  of  frontier  or  otherwise.  .  .  . 

"  Assuming,  however,  that  the  attitude  of  Venezuela 
will  remain  unchanged,  the  dispute  has  reached  such  a 
stage  as  to  make  it  now  incumbent  upon  the  United  States 
to  take  measures  to  determine  with  sufficient  certainty  for 
its  justification  what  is  the  true  divisional  line  between  the 
republic  of  Venezuela  and  British  Guiana.  The  inquiry 
to  that  end  should,  of  course,  be  conducted  carefully  and 
judicially,  and  due  weight  should  be  given  to  all  available 
evidence,  records  and  facts  in  support  of  the  claims  of 
both  parties. 

"  In  order  that  such  an  examination  should  be  prose- 
cuted in  a  thorough  and  satisfactory  manner,  I  suggest 
that  Congress  make  an  adequate  appropriation  for  the 


1 64  SOUTH   AMERICA 

expenses  of  a  commission,  to  be  appointed  by  the  Execu- 
tive, which  shall  make  the  necessary  investigation  and 
report  upon  the  matter  with  the  least  possible  delay. 
When  such  report  is  made  and  accepted  it  will,  in  my 
opinion,  be  the  duty  of  the  United  States  to  resist,  by 
every  means  in  its  power,  as  a  wilful  aggression  upon  its 
rights  and  interests,  the  appropriation  by  Great  Britain 
of  any  lands,  or  the  exercise  of  governmental  jurisdiction 
over  any  territory,  which,  after  investigation,  we  have 
determined  of  right  belongs  to  Venezuela. 

"  In  making  these  recommendations,  I  am  fully  alive  to 
the  responsibility  incurred,  and  keenly  realize  all  the  con- 
sequences that  may  follow. 

"  I  am,  nevertheless,  firm  in  my  conviction  that,  while 
it  is  a  grievous  thing  to  contemplate  the  two  great  Eng- 
lish-speaking peoples  of  the  world  as  being  otherwise  than 
friendly  competitors  in  the  onward  march  of  civilization, 
and  strenuous  and  worthy  rivals  in  all  the  arts  of  peace, 
there  is  no  calamity  which  a  great  nation  can  invite  which 
equals  that  which  follows  a  supine  submission  to  wrong 
and  injustice,  and  the  consequent  loss  of  national  self- 
respect  and  honor,  beneath  which  are  shielded  and  defended 
a  people's  safety  and  greatness." 

The  necessity  of  intervention  in  Cuba  in  the  interests 
of  humanity  became  obvious  in  the  winter  of  1896—97,  and 
brought  legislation  again  face  to  face  with  the  Monroe 
Doctrine. 

The  Senate  Committee  on  Foreign  Relations  reported 
on  December  21,  1896,  a  resolution  offered  by  Senator 
Cameron : 

"  Resolved,  by  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  of 
the  United  States  of  America  in  Congress  assembled,  That 
the  independence  of  the  republic  of  Cuba  be,  and  the  same 
is  hereby,  acknowledged  by  the  United  States  of  America. 


THE    VENEZUELAN    BOUNDARY  165 

"  Be  it  further  resolved,  That  the  United  States  will  use 
its  friendly  offices  with  the  government  of  Spain  to  bring 
to  a  close  the  war  between  Spain  and  the  republic  of 
Cuba." 

The  report  accompanying  the  resolution  was  regarded 
as  one  of  the  ablest  political  documents  of  the  last  quarter 
of  this  century.  It  reviewed  the  Monroe  Doctrine,  and 
said : 

"  Into  this  American  system,  thus  created  by  Monroe 
in  1822-23,  and  embracing  then,  besides  the  United 
States,  only  Buenos  Ayres,  Chili,  Colombia  and  Mexico, 
various  other  communities  have  since  claimed,  and  in  most 
cases  have  received,  admission,  until  it  now  includes  all 
South  America,  except  the  Guianas;  all  Central  America, 
except  the  British  colony  of  Honduras ;  and  the  two  black 
republics  of  Spanish  Santo  Domingo  and  Hayti  in  the 
Antilles. 

"  No  serious  question  was  again  raised  with  any  Euro- 
pean power  in  regard  to  the  insurrection  or  independence 
of  their  American  possessions  until,  in  1869,  a  rebellion 
broke  out  in  Cuba,  and  the  insurgents,  after  organizing 
a  government  and  declaring  their  independence,  claimed 
recognition  from  the  United  States. 

"  The  government  of  the  United  States  had  always 
regarded  Cuba  as  within  the  sphere  of  its  most  active  and 
serious  interest.  As  early  as  1825,  when  the  newly 
recognized  states  of  Colombia  and  Mexico  were  supposed 
to  be  preparing  an  expedition  to  revolutionize  Cuba  and 
Puerto  Rico,  the  United  States  government  interposed 
its  friendly  offices  with  those  governments  to  request  their 
forbearance.  The  actual  condition  of  Spain  seemed  to 
make  her  retention  of  Cuba  impossible,  in  which  case  the 
United  States  would  have  been  obliged,  for  her  own  safety, 
to  prevent  the  island  from  falling  into  the  hands  of  a 


1 66  SOUTH    AMERICA 

stronger  power  in  Europe.  That  this  emergency  did  not 
occur  may  have  been  partly  due  to  the  energy  with  which 
Monroe  announced  '  our  right  and  our  power  to  prevent 
it,'  and  his  determination  to  use  all  the  means  within  his 
competency  'to  guard  against  and  forfend  it.' 

"  This  right  of  intervention  in  matters  relating  to  the 
external  relations  of  Cuba,  asserted  and  exercised  seventy 
years  ago,  has  been  asserted  and  exercised  at  every  crisis 
in  which  the  island  has  been  involved. 

"When  the  Cuban  insurgents  in  1869  appealed  to  the 
United  States  for  recognition,  President  Grant  admitted 
the  justice  of  the  claim,  and  directed  the  minister  of  the 
United  States  at  Madrid  to  interpose  our  good  offices  with 
the  Spanish  government  in  order  to  obtain  by  a  friendly 
arrangement  the  independence  of  the  island.  The  story 
of  that  intervention  is  familiar  to  every  member  of  the 
Senate,  and  was  made  the  basis  of  its  resolution  last  ses- 
sion, requesting  the  President  once  more  '  to  interpose 
his  friendly  offices  with  the  Spanish  government  for  the 
recognition  of  the  independence  of  Cuba.' 

"  The  resolution  then  adopted  by  Congress  was  perfectly 
understood  to  carry  with  it  all  the  consequences  which 
necessarily  would  follow  the  rejection  by  Spain  of  friendly 
offices.  On  this  point  the  situation  needs  no  further 
comment.  The  action  taken  by  Congress  in  the  last 
session  was  taken  '  on  great  consideration  and  on  just 
principles,'  on  a  right  of  intervention  exercised  twenty- 
seven  years  ago,  and  after  a  patient  delay  unexampled  in 
history. 

"  The  interval  of  nine  months  which  has  elapsed  since 
that  action  of  Congress  has  proved  the  necessity  of  carry- 
ing it  out  to  completion.  In  the  words  of  the  President's 
annual  message:  'The  stability  two  years'  duration  has 
given  to  the  insurrection ;  the  feasibility  of  its  indefinite 


THE    VENEZUELAN    BOUNDARY  167 

prolongation  in  the  nature  of  things,  and  as  shown  by  past 
experience;  the  utter  and  imminent  ruin  of  the  island 
unless  the  present  strife  is  speedily  composed,'  are,  in  our 
opinion,  conclusive  evidence  that '  the  inability  of  Spain  to 
deal  successfully  with  the  insurrection  has  become  mani- 
fest, and  it  is  demonstrated  that  the  sovereignty  is  extinct 
in  Cuba  for  all  purposes  of  its  rightful  existence ;  .  .  .  a 
hopeless  struggle  for  its  reestablishment  has  degenerated 
into  a  strife  which  means  nothing  more  than  the  useless 
sacrifice  of  human  life  and  the  utter  destruction  of  the 
very  subject-matter  of  the  conflict' 

"  Although  the  President  appears  to  have  reached  a 
different  conclusion  from  ours,  we  believe  this  to  be  the 
actual  situation  of  Cuba,  and,  being  unable  to  see  that 
further  delay  could  lead  to  any  other  action  than  that 
which  the  President  anticipates,  we  agree  with  the  con- 
clusion of  the  message  that,  in  such  case,  our  obligations 
to  the  sovereignty  of  Spain  are  '  superseded  by  higher 
obligations  which  we  can  hardly  hesitate  to  recognize  and 
discharge.'  Following  closely  the  action  of  President 
Monroe,  in  1818,  Congress  has  already  declared  in  effect 
ts  opinion  that  there  can  be  no  rational  interference  except 
on  the  basis  of  independence. 

"  In  1822,  as  now,  but  with  more  force,  it  was  objected, 
as  we  have  shown,  that  the  revolted  states  had  no  govern- 
ments to  be  recognized.  Divisions,  and  even  civil  war, 
existed  among  the  insurgents  themselves.  Among  the 
Cubans  no  such  difficulty  is  known  to  exist.  In  September, 
1895,  as  we  know  by  official  documents  printed  on  the 
spot,  the  insurgent  government  was  regularly  organized, 
a  constitution  adopted,  a  president  elected,  and,  in  due 
course,  the  various  branches  of  administration  set  in  motion. 
Since  then,  so  far  as  we  are  informed,  this  government  has 
continued  to  perform  its  functions  undisturbed.  On  the 


168  SOUTH    AMERICA 

military  side,  as  we  officially  know,  they  have  organized, 
equipped  and  maintained  in  the  field  sufficient  forces  to 
baffle  the  exertions  of  two  hundred  thousand  Spanish  sol- 
diers. On  the  civil  side  they  have  organized  their  system 
of  administration  in  every  province ;  for,  as  we  know  offi- 
cially, they  roam  at  will  over  at  least  two  thirds  of  the 
inland  country.  Diplomatically  they  have  maintained  a 
regularly  accredited  representative  in  the  United  States 
for  the  past  year,  who  has  never  ceased  to  ask  recognition, 
and  to  offer  all  possible  information.  There  is  no  reason 
to  suppose  that  any  portion  of  the  Cuban  people  would 
be  dissatisfied  by  our  recognizing  their  representative  in 
this  country,  or  that  they  disagree  in  the  earnest  wish  for 
that  recognition.  The  same  thing  could  hardly  be  said  of 
all  the  countries  recognized  by  Monroe  in  1822.  Greece 
had  no  such  stability  when  it  was  recognized  by  England, 
Russia  and  France.  Belgium  had  nothing  of  the  sort 
when  it  was  recognized  by  all  the  powers  in  1830.  Of 
the  states  recognized  by  the  treaty  of  Berlin  in  1878,  we 
need  hardly  say  more  than  that  they  were  the  creatures  of 
intervention. 

"  The  only  question  that  properly  remains  for  Congress 
to  consider  is  the  mode  which  shall  be  adopted  for  the 
step  which  Congress  is  pledged  next  to  take. 

"  The  government  of  the  United  States  entertains  none 
but  the  friendliest  feelings  toward  Spain.  Its  most  anxious 
wish  is  to  avoid  even  the  appearance  of  an  unfriendliness 
which  is  wholly  foreign  to  its  thought.  For  more  than  a 
hundred  years,  amid  divergent  or  clashing  interests,  and 
under  frequent  and  severe  strains,  the  two  governments 
have  succeeded  in  avoiding  collision,  and  there  is  no 
friendly  office  which  Spain  could  ask  which  the  United 
States,  within  the  limits  of  her  established  principles  and 
policy,  would  not  be  glad  to  extend.  In  the  present 


THE    VENEZUELAN    BOUNDARY  169 

instance  she  is  actuated  by  an  earnest  wish  to  avoid  the 
danger  of  seeming  to  provoke  a  conflict. 

"  The  practice  of  Europe  in  regard  to  intervention,  as 
in  the  instances  cited,  has  been  almost  invariably  harsh 
and  oppressive.  The  practice  of  the  United  States  has 
been  almost  invariably  mild  and  forbearing.  Among  the 
precedents  which  have  been  so  numerously  cited  there 
can  be  no  doubt  as  to  the  choice.  The  most  moderate  is 
the  best.  Among  these  the  attitude  taken  by  President 
Monroe  in  1822  is  the  only  attitude  which  can  properly 
be  regarded  as  obligatory  for  a  similar  situation  to-day. 
The  course  pursued  by  the  United  States  in  the  recogni- 
tion of  Colombia  is  the  only  course  which  Congress  can 
consistently  adopt." 

In  1898  a  squadron  of  the  American  navy  was  at  Hong- 
Kong,  China,  under  Commodore  Dewey.  He  was  ordered 
to  proceed  to  the  Philippine  Islands  and  destroy  the 
Spanish  fleet  in  the  port  of  Manila.  The  order  was  exe- 
cuted, and  resulted  in  one  of  the  greatest  naval  victories 
in  American  history.  The  taking  of  Manila  presents  a 
new  phase  of  the  Monroe  Doctrine.  The  doctrine  that 
opposed  the  enlargement  of  English  territory  on  the 
Orinoco  might,  by  inference,  be  interpreted  to  prevent 
the  New  World  from  seeking  expansion  in  the  countries 
or  islands  of  the  Old  World.  The  right  of  the  United 
States  to  maintain  the  principle  of  the  Monroe  Doctrine 
seems  a  reasonable  one,  but  consistency  would  require 
her  to  maintain  a  like  view  and  relations  in  her  diplomacy 
with  the  powers  of  the  Old  World.  The  maintenance  of 
the  principles  of  the  Monroe  Doctrine  has  heretofore 
seemed  to  be  more  valuable  to  our  institutions  in  the 
future  than  any  territory  that  we  could  secure  and  hold  in 
the  East  or  in  foreign  seas.  Have  changed  conditions 
made  necessary  a  change  in  this  governmental  policy  ? 


CHAPTER   XVII 

BRAZIL 

WHAT  the  Pacific  Ocean,  lying  undisturbed,  or  mov- 
ing in  long  waves  that  rise  and  fall  in  repose,  is 
among  waters,  that  Brazil  seems  to  be  among  the  Latin- 
American  states.  She  has  been  the  scene  of  few  political 
tragedies.  As  a  rule,  her  Indian  races  have  been  a  quiet 
and  contented  people,  living  under  the  guidance  of  rulers 
that  were  just.  When  these  races  were  about  to  rise 
against  the  growing  immigration,  the  Portuguese,  who  had 
lived  among  them,  persuaded  them  to  await  events.  The 
discovery  of  the  country  was  claimed  by  others,  but  they 
were  persuaded  to  relinquish  their  claims  in  favor  of  the 
Portuguese.  The  many  colonies  did  not  often  fall  into 
disputes  with  one  another.  The  captains  of  the  provinces 
yielded  to  a  governor-general,  and  the  governor-general 
to  a  king.  When  Napoleon  displaced  thrones,  the  royal 
family  of  Portugal  fled  to  Brazil.  The  Brazilians  were 
unwilling  to  have  them  return.  The  matter  was  peacefully 
adjusted.  The  constitution  was  proclaimed  by  an  em- 
peror. He,  as  emperor,  swore  to  support  this  constitu- 
tion. The  Brazilians  made  him  emperor  for  life.  This 
growth  of  republican  sentiments  came  peacefully.  When 
Dom  Pedro  I.  saw  that  the  people  were  dissatisfied  with 
him,  he  abdicated  in  favor  of  his  son.  The  people  elected 

170 


BRAZIL 


171 


the  regents  for  this  son.  When  this  son  did  not  come  of 
age  at  the  time  they  wished,  the  Congress  shortened  the 
time  of  his  minority. 

Brazil  has  been  called  the  "  land  of  diamonds."  It  has 
a  length  of  some  2600  British  miles,  a  breadth  of  2500 
miles,  and  some  4000  miles  of  sea-coast.  The  great  river 
of  the  lowlands  of  Brazil,  the  Amazon,  is  the  monarch  of 
watercourses.  With  its  tributaries  it  has  a  free  navigation 
of  some  30,000  miles. 

All  climates  are  found  in  this  vast  empire — the  trop- 
ical heat  in  the  valleys  of  the  Amazon,  the  intertrop- 
ical,  and  the  temperate  of  the  western  elevations.  The 
marshy  banks  of  the  lowlands  are  unhealthful,  but  the 
climate  as  a  whole  is  salubrious.  With  its  vigorous  coffee- 
plantations,  its  india-rubber  groves,  its  cotton,  its  forests, 
and  its  mines  of  gems,  the  empire  is  inexhaustibly  rich. 

Brazil  was  discovered  in  1499  by  Vicente  Yanez  Pin- 
zon,  an  explorer  in  the  service  of  Columbus.  He  sailed 
along  the  coast  from  the  Amazon  to  the  Orinoco,  and 
carried  brazil-wood  back  to  Spain. 

In  1500  a  Portuguese  captain,  Pedro  Alvares  Cabral, 
was  commissioned  by  his  king  to  follow  the  course  of 
Vasco  da  Gama.  He  was  driven  by  winds  upon  the  Bra- 
zilian coast.  This  commander  celebrated  Easter  Sunday 
on  shore,  where  he  erected  an  altar  and  uplifted  the  cross. 
He  took  possession  of  the  country  in  the  name  of  the  King 
of  Portugal.  He  sent  back  a  vessel  to  Lisbon  to  proclaim 
his  discovery,  while  he  went  on  his  way  to  India.  He  left 
behind  a  stone  cross  to  commemorate  the  event  of  his 
visit. 

The  news  of  the  discovery  thrilled  Portugal.  The  king 
called  the  Italian  explorer  Amerigo  Vespucci  into  his  ser- 
vice, and  sent  him  with  three  vessels  to  explore  the  coun- 
try. From  him  is  derived  the  name  of  the  western  world, 


172  SOUTH   AMERICA 

America.  Vespucci  beheld  the  new  land  with  wonder. 
He  hastened  back  to  Portugal  to  report  what  he  had  seen. 
He  took  with  him  a  cargo  of  brazil-wood,  monkeys  and 
parrots.  He  established  a  settlement  on  the  coast. 

Although  Vespucci  brought  back  with  him  wonderful 
accounts  of  the  country,  he  did  not  bring  gold  or  dia- 
monds. The  diamond  country  had  not  at  that  time  been 
discovered.  The  subjects  of  Portugal,  however,  began  to 
go  to  Brazil  for  brazil-wood,  and  to  colonize  the  country. 
A  large  Portuguese  colony  soon  began  to  form  there,  and 
out  of  it  grew  an  empire. 

Martin  Alfonso  de  Sousa  came  to  a  harbor  on  the  coast 
on  January  1,1531,  and  from  that  circumstance  named  it 
Rio  de  Janeiro,  the  "  River  of  January."  It  is  one  of  the 
finest  and  most  picturesque  harbors  in  the  world.  He 
explored  the  country  and  made  an  alliance  with  the  natives. 
Cotton  and  sugar-cane  were  introduced  from  Madeira. 
The  Portuguese  colonies  multiplied,  flourished  and  grew. 

The  city  of  Rio  de  Janeiro  was  founded  in  1667  by  the 
Portuguese.  Portuguese  explorers  and  noblemen  received 
grants  of  territory  called  captaincies.  Brazil  seemed 
destined  to  become  the  greater  Portugal,  a  great  source 
of  that  country's  revenue,  and  one  of  the  dependencies 
of  her  glory  and  pride.  This,  however,  was  for  a  time 
delayed. 

Orellana,  a  Spanish  adventurer,  had  started  from  Peru, 
found  the  Amazon,  and  sailed  down  that  river.  The  dis- 
covery of  the  river  was  claimed  by  him,  and  for  Spain. 

Portugal  then  found  it  necessary  to  appoint  a  captain- 
general  to  protect  her  territory.  Thome  de  Sousa  was 
given  this  office,  and  in  him  the  viceregal  government  of 
Brazil  began. 

In  1730  the  discovery  of  the  diamond-fields  was  an- 
nounced to  the  government,  which  declared  the  mines  to 


BRAZIL 


173 


be  regalia  (royal  rights).  The  white  population  increased 
largely  and  was  generally  peaceful.  There  was  a  contest 
between  the  Jesuit  missionaries  and  some  of  the  settlers, 
but  Brazil  for  a  long  time  had  a  peaceful  history. 

In  1807,  during  the  invasion  of  Portugal  by  the  French, 
the  royal  family  fled  to  Brazil  for  safety.  The  colony 
thus  became  the  seat  of  the  throne  of  the  parent  country. 
The  return  of  the  royal  family  to  Portugal  displeased  the 
Brazilians,  as  they  thereby  again  became  provincial. 

Republican  ideas,  which  were  rilling  South  America, 
found  ready  acceptance  in  Brazil.  In  1822  the  indepen- 
dence of  Brazil  was  proclaimed.  After  many  revolutionary 
changes  a  constitution  was  formulated  and  proclaimed.  On 
March  25,  1824,  the  emperor  swore  to  support  the  consti- 
tution. By  so  doing  he  saved  Brazil  to  the  Portuguese 
throne.  The  Emperor  of  Portugal  assumed  the  title  of 
Emperor  of  Brazil,  but  abdicated  in  favor  of  his  son, 
Dom  Pedro  I.,  who,  it  was  expected,  would  hold  the 
throne  for  life.  Thus  Brazil  became  a  republic,  with  a 
king  of  the  house  of  Portugal  as  its  executive  officer. 
The  new  emperor,  however,  was  favorable  to  the  party  of 
absolutism.  He  excited  opposition,  and  finally  abdicated 
the  throne  in  favor  of  his  son,  Dom  Pedro  II.,  then  a  boy, 
for  whom  a  regency  was  formed. 

The  election  of  a  regent  followed.  This  practically 
made  the  government  republican.  Dom  Pedro  II.  was 
proclaimed  emperor  July  23,  1840.  With  this  boy's  reign 
began  the  prosperous  period  of  the  Brazilian  monarchy. 
When  the  beneficent  Dom  Pedro  II.  found  that  the  people 
desired  a  republic  with  an  elective  head,  he  abdicated. 


CHAPTER   XVIII 

THE  PROGRESS  OF  ARGENTINA—THE  TYRANTS  QUIROGA 
AND  ROSAS  — MITRE— THE  PERIOD  OF  PROGRESS 

THE  Argentine  Republic  had  two  struggles  for  liberty 
— one  with  Spain,  the  other  with  her  own  tyrants. 

The  movements  of  affairs  in  Argentina,  which  through 
stress  and  struggle  reached  the  period  of  splendid  achieve- 
ment under  General  Mitre,  are  briefly  as  follows  :  Liniers, 
who  was  viceroy  at  the  time  Joseph  Bonaparte  was  placed 
on  the  throne  of  Spain,  was  deposed  by  the  adherents  of 
Ferdinand  VII.,  and  Cisneros  was  made  viceroy  in  the 
name  of  Ferdinand.  On  May  25,  1810,  a  date  still  cele- 
brated, a  provisional  government  was  formed.  This  was 
the  beginning  of  the  republic.  On  January  31,  1813,  a 
congress  assembled  at  Buenos  Ayres,  and  Posadas  was 
elected  Dictator  of  the  republic.  A  struggle  ensued  be- 
tween the  party  of  independence  and  that  of  the  royalists. 
On  March  25,  1816,  a  new  congress  met  at  Tucuman, 
which  elected  Pueyrredon  President  of  the  republic,  and 
declared  the  separation  of  the  country  from  Spain.  The 
Congress  did  not  represent  all  of  the  ancient  viceroyalty. 
Bolivia,  Paraguay  and  Uruguay  became  separate  repub- 
lics. The  war  of  liberation  under  San  Martin  followed. 

On  January  23,  1825,  the  federal  states  of  the  present 
Argentine  Republic  formulated  a  national  constitution. 

174 


THE    TYRANTS    QUIROGA    AND    ROSAS, 

Two  parties 'arose  in  the  rep.ubHxT—the  Unitarians,  who_ 
favored  a  strong  central  government,  after  the  model  of 
the  United  States ;  and  the  States'  Rights  Party,  or  Feder- 
alists, who  would  still  hold  the  old  provinces  under  their 
local  chiefs  and  laws. 

The  Banda  Oriental  of  Uruguay  was  a  territory  in 
dispute,  but  was  made  independent  by  the  mediation  of 
England  in  1827. 

In  1825  Rivadavia  was  elected  President  of  Argentina. 
He  sought  to  establish  a  strong  central  government.  He 
was  opposed  by  the  Federalists,  who  elected  Lopez  Presi- 
dent, and  after  him  Dorrego.  There  was  a  fierce  conten- 
tion between  the  two  parties  in  the  days  of  Quiroga. 
Rosas  became  the  leader  of  the  Federal  party. 

After  the  long  period  of  tyrants  began  the  succession 
of  illustrious  presidents  who  have  led  Argentina  to  the 
front  of  the  new  nations  of  the  world. 

That  a  nation  which  had  emancipated  itself  from  Spain 
should  fall  into  the  power  of  men  without  heart,  without 
character,  without  armies,  with  nothing  but  the  terror  that 
they  were  able  to  inspire  by  a  barbarous  personality,  is 
one  of  the  events  that  illustrate  how  easy  is  the  reaction 
from  enthusiasm,  and  how  unstable  are  susceptible  minds 
amid  changes  of  fortune. 

Juan  Facundo  Quiroga  was  born  in  the  province  of 
Rioja  in  1 790.  His  parents  were  shepherds.  At  school 
he  assaulted  the  teacher  and  fled.  In  1806  he  was  sent 
by  his  father  with  merchandise  to  Chili.  He  lost  the 
proceeds  at  the  gambling-table.  On  being  reproached 
by  his  father  he  fled  again,  and  collected  a  band  of 
robbers. 

This  man,  gathering  around  him  a  few  reckless  and 
adventurous  spirits,  raided  cities,  destroyed  the  liberties 
of  Argentina,  and  put  his  own  arbitrary  and  insane  will 


I  76  SOUTH    AMERICA 

in  the  place  of  law.  He  brought  Jujuy,  Catamarca, 
Tucuman,  Rioja,  San  Juan  and  Mendoza,  heroic  places 
associated  with  the  great  names  and  deeds  of  Belgrano 
and  San  Martin,  under  his  influence.  He  made  himself  a 
despot  by  the  force  of  his  irresistible  will.  The  cities  as 
well  as  the  country  were  at  the  mercy  of  this  human 
thunderbolt. 

"Most  tyrants,"  says  Sarmiento,  "  are  superstitious. 
Quiroga  seems  to  have  been  born  without  fear,  though  he 
said  he  once  knew  fear  when  he  was  watched  by  the  eye  of 
a  tiger  in  a  bending  tree.  He  is  even  said  once  to  have 
wept  when  he  returned  to  his  old  home  and  saw  the  ruin 
that  he  had  brought  upon  his  aged  father.  But  such  inci- 
dents are  but  exceptions  to  his  life  and  conduct.  From 
boyhood  he  delighted  in  cruelty,  and  this  nature  grew  in 
him  until  he  became  like  a  beast  of  the  forest  that  has 
tasted  human  blood.  He  gloried  in  his  power  over  men, 
and  in  his  power  to  do  injustice. 

"  He  did  not  believe  in  God,  in  any  morality  or  virtue. 
He  had  a  magnetic  will,  and  to  exercise  this  thrilled  him. 
He  was  like  the  hawk  when  the  bush- bird  cowers  before 
him.  In  the  line  of  battle  his  soldiers  trembled  with  terror, 
not  of  the  enemy,  but  of  their  own  chief,  who  strode  be- 
hind them  brandishing  his  lance.  They  fell  upon  the 
enemy  merely  to  put  something  between  their  eyes  and 
the  figure  of  Quiroga,  which  haunted  them  like  a  phan- 
tom." 

Quiroga  aspired  to  set  up  a  president  who  should  obey 
him.  He  named  Dr.  Jose  Santos  Ortez,  ex-governor  of 

San  Luis. 

t 

Quiroga  had  one  impulse;  it  was  to  free  Argentina 
entirely  from  the  rule  of  Spain.  He  breathed  the  air  of 
freedom,  and  drew  men  after  him  like  the  wind.  He  had 
caused  the  old  Spanish  cities  to  fall  before  him,  and  wher- 


THE    TYRANTS    QUIROGA    AND    ROSAS  177 

ever  he  went  he  left  desolation.  He  put  his  own  wild  will 
in  the  place  of  foreign  tyranny. 

Sarmiento,  in  picturing  the  mad  career  of  the  tyrant  of 
the  plains,  says:  "On  the  Godoy  farm  in  San  Juan  are 
shown  mud  walls  of  Quiroga's  treading.  There  are  others 
in  Fiambala  and  in  Rioja  made  by  him.  He  himself 
pointed  out  others  in  Mendoza.  In  that  place  he  had 
caused  twenty-six  officers  to  be  shot.  What  motives 
induced  this  man,  brought  up  in  a  respectable  family,  to 
descend  to  the  hireling's  work  of  treading  brick?"  The 
question  may  perhaps  be  answered  by  saying  that  to  be- 
come a  hero  of  the  plainsmen  one  had  at  that  day  to 
identify  one's  self  with  the  people. 

In  the  fullness  of  his  power,  for  men  to  laugh  at  him  was 
death.  He  murdered  a  girl  whom  he  had  promised  to 
marry,  and  struck  dead  his  own  son.  "  Pax,"  he  said  of 
one  of  his  enemies  in  the  field,  "  shot  six  of  my  officers ; 
I  have  shot  ninety-six  of  his." 

Quiroga  talked  of  the  country  as  though  he  held  its  fate 
in  his  hand,  yet  he  had  no  regular  army,  and  was  not 
even  the  governor  of  a  province.  His  sword  of  power 
was  merely  the  terror  which  he  was  able  to  inspire.  The 
people  dared  do  nothing  against  his  will.  He  would  cut 
down  any  opponent  without  mercy,  and  without  any  just 
cause.  No  one  dared  to  stay  his  hand. 

He  made  Rioja  the  seat  of  his  power.  He  robbed  the 
country  in  the  name  of  the  government,  and  sent  the 
treasures  to  Rioja.  It  is  said  that  he  hid  in  the  woods 
guns,  swords  and  lances  to  the  number  of  twelve  thou- 
sand ;  that  he  had  sixteen  hundred  horses  in  the  pastures 
of  Cuzco.  He  concealed  an  immense  amount  of  treasures 
of  silver  and  gold. 

Rosas,  a  man  who  sprang  from  the  people,  was  made 
governor  of  Buenos  Ayres.  He,  too,  was  a  tyrant.  He 


I  78  SOUTH    AMERICA 

became  a  confederate  with  Quiroga,  raised  the  red  flag, 
and  from  his  campaigns  in  the  interior  took  the  title  of 
the  "  Hero  of  the  Desert." 

The  years  following  the  revolution  found  Argentina  and 
the  Banda  Oriental  largely  under  the  rule  of  three  tyrants 
— Quiroga,  Lopez  and  Rosas. 

Quiroga  came  to  Buenos  Ayres  unannounced,  a  man 
without  an  army.  But  in  the  city  of  Rosas  he  soon  found 
himself  surrounded  by  followers,  and  felt  his  growing 
power.  He  began  to  speak  contemptuously  of  Rosas, 
made  investments  in  the  public  funds,  did  deeds  of  per- 
sonal strength  and  valor  that  excited  the  admiration  of 
the  barbarous  classes,  and  boasted  that  he  would  one 
day  treat  Buenos  Ayres  as  he  had  done  the  river  prov- 
inces. 

Rosas  resigned  the  governorship  of  Buenos  Ayres 
under  compulsion,  to  take  up  the  sword  and  to  follow  the 
example  of  Quiroga.  The  year  1834  found  two  tyrants 
in  the  field.  One  was  to  destroy  the  other. 

Quiroga  was  called  away  from  the  city  of  Buenos  Ayres 
to  settle  divisions  that  had  arisen  in  the  northern  provinces. 
He  said  to  his  friends  on  leaving  the  port  city :  "  If  I 
succeed,  you  will  see  me  again;  if  I  fail,  farewell  forever!" 
He  started  forth  for  the  pampas  accompanied  by  Dr.  Ortez, 
whom  he  had  wished  to  make  President. 

There  comes  a  time  when  one's  crimes  gather  upon 
one's  own  head,  and  the  man  of  terror  becomes  a  terror 
to  himself.  To  Quiroga  now  came  the  darkness  of  appre- 
hension. He  felt  that  he  had  made  an  enemy  of  humanity. 
He  regarded  every  man  as  a  cunning  and  merciless  assas- 
sin. As  he  rushed  over  the  pampas  toward  the  foot-hills 
and  mountain  towns  of  the  Andes,  his  apprehensions  and 
suspicions  grew.  "  How  long  since  a  courier  passed  ?  "  he 
asked  at  every  post.  "  An  hour  or  so,"  would  be  the 


THE    TYRANTS    QUIROGA    AND    ROSAS  179 

usual  answer.     "  Hurry ! "     He  changed  horses  rapidly. 
He  was  as  one  who  could  not  wait. 

It  began  to  rain  on  the  plains,  turning  parts  of  them 
into  lagoons.  But  he  flew  on,  asking,  "  When  did  a 
courier  pass?"  He  reached  Santa  Fe  after  the  long  ride 
of  terror.  His  anxieties  increased.  He  seems  to  have 
had  the  conviction  that  some  avenging  spirit  was  pursu- 
ing him.  On  arriving  at  the  post  of  Pavon  he  found  no 
horses  there.  The  delay  almost  crazed  him.  An  evil  spirit 
seemed  to  possess  him.  He  was  not  contented  except 
when  flying  at  a  deadly  pace.  When  he  started  out  from 
Santa  Fe  he  exclaimed :  "  If  I  can  only  get  beyond  the 
boundary  it  is  enough!"  But  it  was  not  enough.  They 
arrived  at  Cordova  in  the  night.  He  sat  in  his  carriage 
calling  for  horses.  An  officer  came  to  him  to  invite  him 
to  spend  the  night  in  the  town.  "Horses!"  answered 
the  chief.  "You  shall  have  the  hospitality  of  the  place." 
"  Horses!  "  At  midnight  he  renewed  the  mad  ride.  The 
people  were  greatly  excited  at  seeing  him  come  and  go. 
There  had  been  a  plot  formed  to  assassinate  him  on  his 
way  to  the  city,  but  he  had  escaped  it  by  his  haste.  He 
arrived  at  his  point  of  destination  and  settled  the  political 
difficulties  there.  Then  the  madness  seemed  to  return 
upon  him.  "To  Cordova!"  he  said  to  a  postilion.  This 
was  not  the  safe  way,  but  he  felt  it  was  the  one  over  which 
fate  compelled  him  to  ride.  He  came  to  a  post-station 
called  Ojo  del  Agua.  A  young  man  came  racing  out  of 
the  woods  to  give  warning  to  Dr.  Ortez,  his  friend.  "  A 
company  is  stationed  near  Barranca- Yacco,"  said  the  mes- 
senger. "  It  is  waiting  to  fire  into  the  carriage.  No  one  is 
to  escape."  The  doctor  told  Quiroga  what  he  had  heard. 
He  replied :  "  The  man  is  not  born  who  can  kill  Quiroga! " 
He  rode  on  into  the  face  of  death.  They  came  to  a  post- 
station.  Again  they  were  warned.  A  company  of  thirty 


180  SOUTH    AMERICA 

men  was  waiting  to  avenge  the  crimes  of  Quiroga.  "  We 
must  go  on — on!"  he  said.  He  lay  down  exhausted. 
At  midnight  Dr.  Ortez,  who  had  again  been  warned, 
aroused  him.  "We  must  escape  by  another  way,"  he 
said.  The  chief  laughed  wildly.  "  The  wrath  of  Quiroga 
is  more  than  a  match  for  anything  we  can  meet  at  Bar- 
ranca-Yacco,"  he  said.  In  the  gray  of  the  morning  the 
carriage  passed  on.  Dr.  Ortez  knew  that  he  was  follow- 
ing his  friend  to  certain  death.  But  amid  his  terror 
Quiroga  believed  that  his  methods  of  the  past  would 
render  him  superior  to  all  his  enemies.  He  was  attacked. 
Men  with  swords  cut  down  the  horses.  They  stabbed  the 
driver  and  the  courier.  "What  is  this?"  cried  Quiroga 
from  the  coach  window.  The  answer  was  a  ball  through 
his  head.  He  sank.  They  pierced  his  body  with  a  sword. 
He  had  met  the  fate  that  he  had  made  for  himself. 

The  tyrant  Rosas  followed. 

Don  Juan  Manuel  Rosas,  who  rose  to  be  governor  of 
the  Buenos  Ayres  Confederation,  and  afterward  to  be 
President  of  the  Argentine  Confederation,  was  born  at 
Buenos  Ayres.  March  30,  1793. 

He  made  the  Federal  principle  the  excuse  for  his  rule  of 
blood.  About  the  year  1833  he  gained  almost  absolute 
power  over  Argentina,  after  the  methods  of  Quiroga. 

The  politics  of  the  country  must  be  understood  in  order 
to  form  a  just  judgment  of  the  character  and  conduct  of 
Rosas.  Rivadavia,  the  first  President  of  the  republic, 
endeavored  to  establish  a  strong  central  government.  The 
party  which  he  represented  was  the  Unitarians.  The 
opposing  party  was  known  as  the  Federals.  It  main- 
tained provincial  rights,  much  after  the  manner  of  the  old- 
time  South  Carolinian  idea  of  State  rights  in  the  United 
States.  The  Federals  aimed  to  keep  each  state  as  inde- 
pendent as  possible  of  the  national  government.  At  the 


PERIOD    OF    PROGRESS  l8l 

end  of  the  first  President's  term  of  office  his  opponents 
elected  Vicente  Lopez  President,  and  in  1827  Dorrego, 
another  representative  of  the  Federal  plan  of  government. 
In  1828  the  Unitarians  defeated  the  Federals.  Dorrego 
was  shot.  Rosas  became  the  leader  of  the  Federal  party. 
He  defeated  the  Unitarians,  and  inaugurated  a  reign  of 
terror.  He  proclaimed  himself  Dictator,  and  after  many 
bloody  struggles  proved  himself  superior  to  all  of  his 
enemies. 

In  1829  he  was  governor  or  captain- general  of  his  native 
province,  then  in  federal  union  with  the  provinces.  He 
subdued  the  Indian  revolts,  established  a  tyrannical  but 
stable  government,  and  was  elected  President  of  the  Ar- 
gentine Confederation. 

Autocrat  that  he  was,  intestine  revolts  subsided  under 
his  strong  arm.  Industrial  conditions  improved.  Com- 
merce revived.  Buenos  Ayres  grew  and  flourished.  The 
other  provinces  became  jealous  of  Buenos  Ayres.  Rosas, 
to  strengthen  the  river  provinces,  sought  to  force  Paraguay 
to  unite  with  the  confederation.  This  policy  led  to  a  war 
with  Brazil.  Rosas  was  defeated  in  the  political  compli- 
cations that  followed.  His  rule  had  been  so  bloody  that 
it  became  intolerable,  and  the  states  elected  General 
Urquiza  President.  In  a  battle  at  Monte-Caseros,  near 
Buenos  Ayres,  on  February  3,  1852,  the  forces  of  Rosas 
were  totally  defeated.  He  fled  to  England,  where  he 
died  in  exile. 

It  is  hard  to  estimate  the  value  of  a  life  like  that  of 
Rosas.  He  ruled  the  country  for  seventeen  years  with 
an  iron  hand.  His  strong  government  represented  his 
own  ambition.  His  utter  disregard  of  the  sacredness  of 
human  life,  his  bloody  deeds  that  defied  justice,  have  left 
him  a  place  among  the  darkest  names  of  political  crimes. 

General  Mitre  may  be  regarded  as  the  father  of  the 


I  82  SOUTH    AMERICA 

new  republic.  Between  the  years  1810  and  1835  Argen- 
tina had  known  thirty-six  political  changes.  The  republic 
became  a  unity  under  Mitre,  who,  both  in  and  out  of  public 
office,  for  almost  a  generation  was  the  guardian  of  her 
destiny.  His  principles  once  sent  him  into  exile,  but  his 
influence  on  progressive  Argentina  was  powerful. 

Bartolome  Mitre  was  born  at  Buenos  Ayres  in  1821. 
Persecuted  by  Rosas  on  account  of  his  patriotic  writings, 
he  removed  to  Montevideo,  where  he  became  a  journalist, 
and  led  the  country  in  journalistic  enterprises  which  were 
made  the  medias  of  his  progressive  opinions.  In  1846 
he  went  to  Bolivia,  and  was  in  the  battles  of  Lalava  and 
Behistre  as  commander  of  artillery.  He  later  went  to  Peru 
and  Chili.  In  the  latter  country  he  awakened  enmity  by 
his  views  in  "  El  Progreso,"  published  at  Santiago.  He 
heard  of  the  rising  of  the  Argentines  against  Rosas,  and 
returned  to  Argentina.  He  joined  the  revolutionary 
forces  under  General  Urquiza.  He  commanded  the 
artillery  in  the  decisive  battle  of  Monte-Caseros,  February 
3,  1852.  After  the  overthrow  of  Rosas  he  founded  the 
journal  "La  Nacion."  His  influence  grew;  he  was  in- 
trusted with  high  public  offices,  and  appointed  to  positions 
of  the  gravest  responsibility.  In  1862  he  was  proclaimed 
constitutional  President  for  six  years.  His  administration 
was  a  glorious  industrial  period  in  Argentina.  Railroads, 
telegraph  lines  and  public  improvements  multiplied,  and, 
like  the  literary  President  Sarmiento,  he  advanced  the  cause 
of  public  education.  He  led  Argentina  in  the  war  with 
Paraguay.  His  "  La  Vida  de  San  Martin  "  is  one  of  the 
best  works  for  the  American  reader  to  select  for  begin- 
ning a  study  of  South  American  history. 

After  her  second  struggle  for  freedom  Buenos  Ayres 
became  a  commercial  city  of  growing  importance,  and 
gathered  to  herself  men  who  favored  the  enterprises  that 


PERIOD    OF    PROGRESS  183 

make  such  a  city  prosperous.  Societies  of  the  indus- 
tries and  arts  multiplied.  Literature  was  cultivated,  and 
stimulated  achievement.  The  English  Literary  Society, 
with  its  extensive  library  and  fine  reading-room,  became 
an  inspiration  to  literary  culture. 

The  suburbs  of  Flores  and  Belgrano  expanded  into 
places  famous  for  the  beauty  of  their  villas  and  gardens. 
The  recoleta  (cemetery),  with  its  marble  homes  of  the 
dead,  became  one  of  the  most  beautiful  spots  on  earth. 
Monuments  rose  everywhere,  each  commemorating  some 
illustrious  deed. 

Three  ports  instead  of  one  became  essential  to  the  trade 
of  the  expanding  city.  Approached  from  Ensenada,  the 
white  domes  and  tall  spires  of  the  city  rise  in  the  purple 
air  over  the  pampas,  with  a  beauty  that  fills  the  eye  of  the 
traveler  with  wonder.  His  admiration  grows  as  the  home 
port,  with  its  city  of  ships,  comes  into  nearer  view.  At 
all  hours  ships  from  European  ports  come  and  go,  and  the 
immigration  from  the  East  comes  and  does  not  go,  but 
remains  to  make  a  new  history  in  the  world. 


CHAPTER   XIX 

THE  TYRANTS  OF  PARAGUAY 

A~«TER  the  expulsion  of  the  Spanish  the  first  tyrant  of 
Paraguay  was  Dr.  Francia.  He  was  born  in  Asun- 
cion, 1761.  By  profession  he  was  a  lawyer.  He  was 
made  consul  in  1811,  Dictator  for  three  years  in  1814,  and 
Dictator  for  life  in  1817.  He  recognized  no  law  but  that 
of  his  own  will.  He  arrested  and  executed  innocent  men 
without  any  trial.  He  was  to  the  last  degree  cruel  and 
unpatriotic.  He  died  in  his  native  city  in  1840, 

Thomas  Carlyle  has  a  word  of  charity  for  him.  In  his 
essay  on  Dr.  Francia,  he  says :  "  Francia's  treatment  of 
Artigas,  his  old  enemy,  the  bandit  and  firebrand,  reduced 
now  to  beg  shelter  of  him,  was  good,  humane,  even  digni- 
fied. Francia  refused  to  see  or  treat  with  such  a  person, 
as  he  had  ever  done;  but  readily  granted  him  a  place 
of  residence  in  the  interior,  and '  thirty  piasters  a  month 
till  he  died.'  The  bandit  cultivated  fields,  did  charitable 
deeds,  and  passed  a  life  of  penitence  for  his  few  remain- 
ing years.  His  bandit  followers,  such  of  them  as  took 
to  plundering  again,  says  M.  Rengger,  were  instantly- 
seized  and  shot.' 

"  On  the  other  hand,  that  anecdote  of  Francia's  dying 
father  requires  to  be  confirmed.  It  seems  the  old  man, 
who,  as  we  saw,  had  long  since  quarreled  with  his  son, 

184 


THE  TYRANTS  OF  PARAGUAY          185 

was  dying,  and  wished  to  be  reconciled.  Francia  '  was 
busy;  what  use  was  it?  could  not  come.'  A  second  still 
more  pressing  message  arrives :  '  The  old  man  dare  not 
die  unless  he  see  his  son ;  fears  he  shall  never  enter 
heaven  if  they  be  not  reconciled.'  '  Then  let  him  enter/ 
said  Francia ;  '  I  will  not  come ! '  If  this  anecdote  be 
true,  it  is  certainly  of  all  that  are  in  circulation  about 
Dr.  Francia  by  far  the  worst.  If  Francia,  in  that  death- 
hour,  could  not  forgive  his  poor  old  father  whatsoever  he 
had  done,  or  could  in  the  murkiest,  sultriest  imagination 
be  conceived  to  have  done  against  him,  then  let  no  man 
forgive  Dr.  Francia!  But  the  accuracy  of  public  rumor 
in  regard  to  a  dictator  who  has  executed  forty  persons  is 
also  a  thing  that  can  be  guessed  at.  To  whom  was  it,  by 
name  and  surname,  that  Francia  delivered  this  extraordi- 
nary response?  Did  the  man  make,  or  can  he  now  be 
got  to  make,  affidavit  of  it  to  credible  articulate-speaking 
persons  resident  on  this  earth?  If  so,  let  him  do  it,  for 
the  sake  of  the  psychological  sciences. 

"  One  last  fact  more.  Our  lonesome  Dictator,  living 
among  Gauchos,  had  the  greatest  pleasure,  it  would  seem, 
in  rational  conversation  with  Robertson,  with  Rengger, 
with  any  kind  of  intelligent  human  creature,  when  such 
could  be  fallen  in  with,  which  was  rarely.  He  would 
question  you  with  eagerness  about  the  ways  of  men  in 
foreign  places,  the  properties  of  things  unknown  to  him. 
All  human  interest  and  insight  was  interesting  to  him. 
Only  persons  of  no  understanding  being  near  him  for 
the  most  part,  he  had  to  content  himself  with  silence,  a  medi- 
tative cigar,  and  cup  of  mate.  Oh,  Francia,  though  thou 
hadst  to  execute  forty  persons,  I  am  not  without  some 
pity  for  thee!" 

The  principal  tyrant  of  Paraguay  was  Francisco  Solano 
Lopez,  or  Lopez  the  Younger  He  was  born  July  24, 


1 86  SOUTH    AMERICA 

1826,  or,  according  to  another  authority,  July  26,  1827. 
His  early  life  was  passed  in  the  Paraguayan  military  service, 
in  the  times  of  the  tyrant  Dr.  Francia,  and  in  that  he 
learned  little  but  the  arts  of  a  spy. 

Paraguay  declared  her  independence  of  Spain  in  1810. 
In  1814  Dr.  Francia  was  proclaimed  Dictator  for  three 
years,  and  afterward  for  life.  He  held  the  office  until  his 
death  in  1840,  which  was  followed  by  anarchy.  In  1842 
the  Congress  elected  two  nephews  of  Dr.  Francia,  Don 
Alonso  Lopez  and  Don  Carlos  Antonio  Lopez,  consuls  of 
the  republic.  In  1844  a  new  constitution  was  proclaimed, 
and  Don  Carlos  Lopez,  called  Lopez  the  Elder,  was  made 
President  with  dictatorial  power  for  a  term  of  seven  years, 
which  office  was  continued.  He  died  in  1862,  when  he 
was  succeeded  as  Dictator  by  his  son  Don  Francisco  Solano 
Lopez,  then  thirty-six  years  of  age. 

This  man,  the  South  American  Nero,  may  be  regarded 
as  the  darkest  character  in  all  American  history.  To  him 
may  be  directly  or  indirectly  assigned  the  deaths  of  hun- 
dreds of  thousands  of  human  beings.  He  caused  his  own 
brother  to  be  murdered,  and  his  mother  and  sisters  to  be 
tortured.  He  had  a  passion  for  blood  that  was  never 
satiated.  Scarcely  a  day  passed  in  his  last  years  that  the 
torture  of  innocent  people  was  not  made  to  feed  his  pas- 
sions. He  was  governed  by  the  lowest  and  basest  of  animal 
passions,  without  any  regard  for  justice  or  mercy,  yet  he 
claimed  to  govern  by  the  appointment  of  God.  If  he 
imagined  that  any  man  looked  unfavorably  upon  his  mon- 
strous crimes  he  brought  him  to  torture  and  death, 
without  judge  or  jury.  "  He  was  not  a  man ;  he  was  a 
monster,"  said  one  of  his  own  blood  after  his  miserable 
death. 

Like  all  tyrants,  he  was  a  coward,  and  surrounded 
himself  by  spies.  Lopez  had  nearly  all  the  vices,  and 


THE  TYRANTS  OF  PARAGUAY         187 

was  a  slave  to  them  all.  He  practised  them  openly.  To 
rebuke  him  for  these  was  death.  He  had  no  fear  of  the 
laws  of  God,  yet  he  believed  that  his  office  was  ordained 
of  God.  He  did  not  fear  priests.  He  compelled  priests 
not  only  to  confess  to  him  as  the  "  Lord's  anointed,"  but 
to  reveal  to  him  the  secrets  of  the  confessional.  He  was 
as  vainglorious  as  he  was  depraved. 

The  Hon.  Charles  A.  Washburn,  commissioner  and 
minister  resident  of  the  United  States  at  Asuncion  from 
1 86 1  to  1868,  thus  pictures  this  tyrant: 

"  In  person  he  was  short  and  stout.  His  height  was 
about  five  feet  four,  and,  though  always  inclining  to 
corpulency,  his  figure  in  his  younger  days  was  very 
good.  He  dressed  with  great  care  and  precision,  and 
endeavored  to  give  himself  a  smart  and  natty  appearance. 
His  hands  and  feet  were  very  small,  indicating  his  Indian 
origin.  His  complexion  was  dark,  and  gave  evidence  of 
a  strong  taint  of  Guarany  blood.  He  was  proud  of  his 
Indian  descent,  and  frequently  used  to  boast  of  it.  As 
he  could  not  pretend  to  be  of  pure  Spanish  blood,  he  would 
rather  ascribe  his  swarthy  color  to  a  mixture  with  the 
Indian  than  the  negro  race.  Hence  he  was  as  prone  to 
talk  of  his  Indian  ancestry  as  ever  were  the  descendants 
of  Pocahontas.  He  also  had  many  of  the  tastes  peculiar 
to  the  savage.  Before  going  to  Europe  he  dressed  gro- 
tesquely, but  his  costume  was  always  expensive  and 
elaborately  finished.  He  wore  enormous  silver  spurs, 
such  as  would  have  been  the  envy  of  a  Gaucho,  and  the 
trappings  of  his  horse  were  so  completely  covered  with 
silver  as  almost  to  form  a  coat  of  mail.  After  his  return 
from  abroad  he  adopted  a  more  civilized  costume,  but 
always  indulged  in  a  gorgeous  display  of  gold  lace  and 
bright  buttons.  He  conversed  with  fluency  and  had  a 
good  command  of  language,  and  when  in  good  humor  his 


1 88  SOUTH    AMERICA 

manners  were  courteous  and  agreeable.  His  eyes,  when 
he  was  pleased,  had  a  mild  and  amiable  expression;  but 
when  he  was  enraged  the  pupil  seemed  to  dilate  till  it 
included  the  whole  iris,  and  the  eye  did  not  appear  to  be 
that  of  a  human  being,  but  rather  of  a  wild  beast  goaded 
to  madness.  He  had,  however,  a  gross  animal  look  that 
was  repulsive  when  his  face  was  in  repose.  His  forehead 
was  narrow  and  his  head  small,  with  the  rear  organs  largely 
developed.  He  was  an  inveterate  smoker  of  the  strongest 
kind  of  Paraguayan  cigars.  His  face  was  rather  flat,  and 
his  nose  and  hair  indicated  more  of  the  negro  than  of  the 
Indian.  His  cheeks  had  a  fulness  that  extended  to  the 
jowl,  giving  him  a  sort  of  bulldog  expression.  In  his 
later  years  he  grew  enormously  fat,  so  much  so  that  few 
would  believe  that  a  photograph  of  his  figure  was  not  a 
caricature.  He  was  very  irregular  in  his  hours  of  eating, 
but  when  he  did  eat,  the  quantity  consumed  was  enor- 
mous. He  was  a  gormand,  but  not  an  epicure.  His  drinking 
was  in  keeping  with  his  eating.  He  always  kept  a  large 
stock  of  foreign  wines,  liquors  and  ale,  but  he  had  little  dis- 
crimination in  the  use  of  them.  .  .  .  Though  he  habitually 
drank  largely,  yet  he  often  exceeded  his  own  free  limits, 
and  on  such  occasions  he  was  liable  to  break  out  in  the 
most  furious  abuse  of  all  who  were  about  him.  He  would 
then  indulge  in  the  most  revolting  obscenity,  and  would 
sometimes  give  orders  for  the  most  barbarous  acts.  When 
he  had  recovered  from  such  debauches  he  would  stay  the 
execution  of  his  orders,  if  they  had  not  already  been 
enforced.  ...  It  would  generally  be  too  late,  the  victims 
having  already  been  executed. 

"  Of  the  three  most  noted  tyrants  of  South  America, 
Francia,  Rosas,  and  the  second  Lopez,  all  have  been  dis- 
tinguished for  one  quality,  that  is,  personal  cowardice. 
Francia  was  in  such  perpetual  fear  of  his  life  that  he  kept 


THE  TYRANTS  OF  PARAGUAY         189 

himself  constantly  surrounded  by  a  guard,  and  imagined 
that  an  assassin  lurked  behind  every  bush  or  wall  or 
building  he  passed.  Rosas  was  a  notorious  coward. 
Many  instances  in  which  he  showed  the  most  craven  fear 
are  well  known  to  the  older  residents  of  the  Plata.  But 
the  cowardly  nature  of  Lopez  was  so  apparent,  he  scarcely 
took  pains  to  conceal  it.  He  never  exposed  himself  to 
the  least  danger  when  he  could  possibly  avoid  it.  He 
usually  had  his  headquarters  so  far  in  the  rear  that  a 
shot  from  the  enemy  could  never  reach  him.  .  .  .  Neverthe- 
less, such  a  thing  was  possible,  and  he  therefore  had 
another  house  built  close  adjoining  the  one  in  which  he 
lived,  surrounded  on  all  sides  with  walls  of  earth  at  least 
twenty  feet  thick,  and  with  a  roof  of  the  same  material,  so 
thick  that  no  shot  or  shell  that  might  light  upon  it  could 
ever  penetrate  deep  enough  to  do  any  damage.  While 
all  was  still  along  the  enemy's  lines  Lopez  would  bravely 
remain  in  the  adjoining  house ;  but  so  surely  as  any  firing 
was  heard  in  the  direction  of  the  enemy's  nearest  batteries, 
he  would  instantly  saunter  out  in  feigned  carelessness, 
trying  hard  to  disguise  his  fear,  and  slink  into  his  hole, 
and  not  show  his  face  again  outside  until  the  firing  had 
ceased.  ...  At  the  very  time  he  was  thus  hid  away  from 
danger  he  had  his  correspondents  for  the  '  Semanario ' 
around  him,  writing  the  most  extravagant  articles  in 
praise  of  his  valor,  his  sacrifices,  and  his  generalship. 
The  people  of  Paraguay  could  never  pay  the  debt  they 
owed  him,  who,  while  they  were  living  in  security  and 
abundance,  was  daily  leading  his  legions  to  battle." 

Colonel  George  Thompson,  in  his  history  of  this  dark 
period,  draws  a  like  picture.  He  says :  "  One  evening  I 
was  waiting  to  see  Lopez,  as  were  also  several  officers,  and 
a  sergeant  of  the  guard  entered  into  conversation  with 
me.  After  a  short  time  there  was  a  great  stir,  officers 


190  SOUTH    AMERICA 

going  in  and  out  of  Lopez's  room,  the  guard  relieved,  and 
the  other  officers  who  were  waiting  all  arrested.  One  of 
Lopez's  aides-de-camp  came  and  said  to  me  :  *  His  Excel- 
lency sends  word  to  you  to  write  down  all  the  conversation 
you  have  had  with  the  sergeant  of  the  guard,  and  bring 
it  to-morrow  morning.'  I  went  away,  not  expecting  to  be 
able  to  remember  a  twentieth  part  of  the  silly  talk  of  the 
sergeant;  but  as  things  looked  serious,  I  tried,  and  prob- 
ably remembered  it  all.  It  filled  a  whole  sheet  of  paper, 
and  was  all  of  it  somewhat  in  this  style :  '  The  sergeant 
asked  me  if  Queen  Victoria  always  wore  her  crown  when 
she  went  out  to  walk.  The  sergeant  asked  me  if  I  should 
wear  the  Paraguayan  uniform  when  I  went  to  England.' 
It  was  sealed  and  taken  next  morning  to  Lopez,  about 
7  A.  M.  He  was  not  up  yet,  but  the  sergeant  was  already 
shot,  and  all  the  soldiers  of  the  guard  had  received  one 
hundred  lashes  each." 

In  the  troubles  of  Uruguay,  Brazil  had  intervened. 
Lopez  declared  war  against  her.  This  involved  him  in 
war  with  the  Argentine  Republic.  On  May  1 ,  1 865 ,  Brazil, 
the  Argentine  Republic  and  Uruguay  (Banda  Oriental) 
formed  an  alliance  against  him,  which  led  to  one  of  the 
most  desolating  wars  ever  known  in  South  America,  and 
which  in  the  end  scarcely  left  him  a  thousand  men. 

As  the  war  between  the  allies  and  Paraguay  went  on  in 
merciless  savagery,  Lopez  became  involved  in  troubles 
with  foreign  powers.  Asuncion  fell. 

In  1868  the  allied  army,  well  prepared  for  the  overthrow 
of  Lopez,  numbered  thirty-two  thousand  men.  The  Bra- 
zilians took  up  a  position  near  Villeta,  north  of  Angostura, 
on  the  pass  of  the  river  Paraguay  made  famous  by  the 
exploits  of  Sebastian  Cabot  in  1526,  nearly  three  hundred 
and  fifty  years  before.  Lopez  had  planted  his  guns  so  as 
to  command  the  river. 


THE  TYRANTS  OF  PARAGUAY         191 

The  Brazilians  marched  into  the  rear  of  the  Paraguayan 
army  by  the  way  of  Chaco.  They  outnumbered  the  Para- 
guayans three  to  one.  If  Lopez  should  be  defeated 
here,  it  would  be  the  end  of  his  power.  The  battle- 
field is  known  in  history  as  the  Pikysgry.  Lopez  made 
his  headquarters  on  a  hill  overlooking  the  country  for 
leagues  around,  some  four  miles  from  Angostura.  The 
Brazilians  from  the  first  saw  that  they  had  Lopez  in  their 
power.  The  latter  could  trust  only  to  the  valor  of  his 
men  for  victory.  The  battle  began  with  a  furious  attack 
on  the  Paraguayans.  Lopez  took  a  position  on  horseback 
behind  the  walls  of  his  adobe  house,  ready  to  run  at  a 
moment's  notice.  It  is  said  to  have  been  the  first  time 
that  he  had  been  under  fire  since  the  war  began.  He  was 
filled  with  terror  from  the  first  rattle  of  the  musketry. 
At  first  the  Paraguayans  fought  with  desperate  valor.  After 
a  four  days'  battle  both  armies  were  greatly  reduced,  and 
the  Paraguayans  almost  utterly  destroyed.  Lopez  saw 
that  his  men  could  not  long  sustain  the  bombardment. 
He  prepared  for  flight  with  a  body-guard.  While  his 
officers,  after  a  week's  valor,  were  leading  their  few  remain- 
ing troops  against  the  victorious  allies,  Lopez  suddenly 
disappeared.  There  were  not  left  of  his  army  a  thousand 
men.  Lopez  now  began  the  flight  of  death.  He  was 
shot  like  a  dog  in  a  muddy  stream,  as  he  was  struggling 
to  recover  himself  from  a  lance  thrust  from  his  victori- 
ous pursuers.  His  last  words  are  reputed  to  have  been  : 
"I  die  for  my  country." 

The  battle  of  Pikysgry  brought  to  an  end  the  life  of 
Lopez  and  tyranny  in  Paraguay. 


CHAPTER   XX 

EDUCATION  IN  ARGENTINA  AND  THE  OTHER 
REPUBLICS— SARMIENTO 

THE  history  of  the  progress  of  Argentina  along  edu- 
cational lines  is  that  of  Sarmiento,  who  once  said : 
"  The  primary  school  is  the  foundation  of  national  char- 
acter$" 

This  man  read  the  works  of  Horace  Mann,  and  visited 
the  great  apostle  of  education  in  America.  The  friendship 
between  him  and  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Mann  and  Miss  Elizabeth 
Palmer  Peabody  had  a  great  influence  on  his  own  char- 
acter, and  through  him;  as  the  great  educational  President, 
upon  Argentina.  Senator  Sumner  was  Sarmiento's  friend 
during  his  diplomatic  life.  His  biography  has  been  written 
by  Mrs.  Mary  Mann,  who  has  also  translated  from  the 
Spanish  his  "  Civilization  and  Barbarism,"  under  the  title 
of  "  Life  in  the  Argentine." 

He  founded  in  Argentina  the  North  American  Normal 
School,  a  sign  which  was  long  seen  in  some  of  the  prin- 
cipal cities,  and  the  work  of  which  prepared  the  way  for 
universal  education  not  only  in  Buenos  Ayres  but  in  the 
lands  of  the  Andes.  On  one  of  the  reliefs  of  his  tomb  in 
the  recoleta  of  Buenos  Ayres  he  is  represented  as  a 
schoolmaster,  with  the  children  of  the  republic  around  him. 

His  history  reads  like  a  romance,  especially  as  inter- 

192 


SARMIENTO  193 

preted  by  the  sympathetic  pen  of  Mary  Mann.  The  in- 
fluences of  Mrs.  Mann  and  of  her  sister,  Miss  Peabody, 
live  in  Argentina,  and  that  of  the  latter  has  found 
new  expression  in  the  growth  of  the  kindergarten. 

Don  Domingo  F.  Sarmiento  was  born  in  1811.  His 
family  was  a  worthy  one,  but  had  suffered  from  war. 
He  was  descended  on  one  side  from  a  Saracen  chief. 
His  education  was  of  the  best,  and  his  early  accomplish- 
ments were  many. 

He  describes  his  education  in  his  address  at  the  laying 
of  the  corner-stone  of  the  Sarmiento  School  in  San  Juan, 
in  1864.  I  quote  from  Mrs.  Mann's  translation.  "The 
inspiration  to  consecrate  myself  to  the  education  of  the 
people  came  to  me  here  in  my  youth.  My  labor  of  thirty 
years,  that  of  serving  the  countries  where  I  resided  with 
schools,  turns  now  to  its  point  of  departure,  to  the  very 
simple  idea  of  the  importance  of  primary-school  education 
over  all  other  education,  to  insure  the  happiness  of  nations. 
If  I  had  been  born  in  Buenos  Ayres  or  Cordova,  or  in 
Santiago  de  Chili,  the  primary  education  of  this  part  of 
the  country  would  not  have  arrived  at  this  point,  when 
all  are  striving  for  that  end.  I  should  have  been  pre- 
occupied with  the  brilliant  university,  and  should  have 
aspired  to  its  honors.  But  I  was  born  and  educated 
amid  the  people  of  a  province  where  there  was  no  other 
education  than  that  of  the  public  school ;  and  the  escuela 
de  la  patria  was  one  of  the  first  order,  without  a  rival  in 
any  private  one,  conducted  by  a  man  so  respected  by  the 
people  and  the  government  that  at  that  time  the  school- 
master was  looked  upon  as  one  of  the  first  magistrates  of 
the  province.  Observe,  then,  by  what  singular  circum- 
stances the  school,  as  an  institution,  was  destined  to 
acquire  in  my  mind  that  supreme  importance  which  I 
have  never  ceased  to  give  it ;  and  how,  at  the  close  of  my 


194  SOUTH   AMERICA 

travels,  I  found  in  the  United  States  that  the  school  occu- 
pied the  same  place  as  in  San  Juan,  and  brought  forth  like 
results.  The  truth  is  that  the  first  ideas  in  the  child's 
mind  keep  the  same  relative  position  always,  and,  however 
slightly  they  meet  with  confirmation,  grow  and  develop, 
and  determine  the  career  in  life.  If  I  should  express  all  my 
thoughts  I  should  say  that  the  school  of  la  patria,  in  San 
Juan,  associated  in  my  mind  with  the  recollections  of  the 
only  form  of  education  with  which  I  was  acquainted,  went 
forth  with  me  from  this  province,  and  accompanied  me  in 
all  my  wanderings.  In  Chili  it  took  the  form  of  normal 
schools ;  in  Europe  I  connected  it  with  the  study  of  legis- 
lation; in  the  United  States  with  the  spectacle  of  its 
wonderful  results,  of  its  temple  school-houses,  and  of  the 
prominent  place  it  holds  among  the  institutions  of  that 
country.  In  Buenos  Ayres  I  reproduced  it  as  a  seed 
sown  in  good  ground,  and  I  return  to  do  the  same  to-day 
in  San  Juan,  by  reestablishing  the  school  of  la  patria, 
completed  as  an  educational  institution,  and  also  as  a 
democratic  one,  and  I  bring  to  it  all  the  acquisitions  made 
in  my  long  and  various  travels.  No  longer  confined  to 
three  halls  that  contained  in  all  but  three  hundred  pupils, 
we  have  here  an  edifice  that  will  enable  us  to  throw  off 
the  swaddling-clothes  of  infancy.  To-day  we  lay  the 
stone  which  consecrates  to  education  these  beginnings  of 
an  unfinished  temple.  And  that  you  may  see  how  ad- 
vanced ideas  have  grown,  I  will  repeat  to  you  what  I  have 
replied  to  those  who  have  wished  this  edifice  kept  to  its 
first  destination,  and  who  yet  abandoned  it  to  sterility  and 
destruction. 

"At  the  corner  of  the  next  block,  thirty  steps  from 
here,  thirty  years  ago,  I  was  a  merchant's  clerk,  and  here 
pursued  my  solitary  studies.  Even  at  that  time  I  saw 


SARMIENTO  195 

that  a  spacious  school-house  might  be  erected  within  these 
walls,  and,  with  your  assistance,  I  now  realize  my  thought 
after  the  delay  of  so  many  years." 

Of  the  influence  of  certain  books  on  his  life  he  says: 
"  From  that  time  I  read  every  book  that  fell  into  my 
hands,  without  arrangement,  with  no  other  guide  than  the 
chance  which  brought  them  to  me,  or  the  knowledge  I 
had  acquired  of  their  existence  in  the  scanty  libraries  of 
San  Juan.  The  first  was  the  '  Life  of  Cicero '  by  Middle- 
ton,  with  very  fine  plates,  and  in  that  book  I  lived  a  long 
time  with  the  Romans.  If  I  had  then  had  half  the  means 
of  doing  it,  I  should  have  studied  law  to  make  myself  an 
advocate  and  to  defend  causes  like  that  distinguished 
orator,  who  was  the  object  of  my  passionate  love.  The 
second  was  the  '  Life  of  Franklin/  and  no  book  has  ever 
done  me  more  good.  The  '  Life  of  Franklin  '  was  to  me 
what  '  Plutarch's  Lives '  was  to  Rousseau,  Henry  IV., 
Mme.  Roland,  and  so  many  others.  I  felt  myself  to 
be  Franklin ;  and  why  not  ?  I  was  very  poor,  like  him ;  I 
studied,  like  him ;  and  following  in  his  footsteps,  I  might 
one  day  come,  like  him,  to  be  a  doctor  ad  honorem,  and 
to  make  for  myself  a  place  in  letters  and  American  politics. 
The  '  Life  of  Franklin  '  should  be  in  every  primary  school. 
His  example  is  so  inspiring,  the  career  he  ran  so  glorious, 
that  there  would  not  be  a  boy  at  all  well  inclined  who 
would  not  try  to  be  a  little  Franklin,  through  that  noble 
tendency  of  the  human  mind  to  imitate  models  of  perfec- 
tion that  commend  themselves  to  it." 

His  family  was  obliged  to  flee  to  Chili  during  the  revo- 
lutions in  San  Juan.  He  there  became  a  teacher,  and 
also  followed  other  occupations.  He  continued  his  studies. 
His  thirst  for  knowledge  was  insatiable.  It  is  said  that 
for  sixty  days  he  translated  a  volume  a  day  of  the  works 


196  SOUTH   AMERICA 

of  Sir  Walter  Scott.  While  this  is  without  doubt  an  ex- 
aggeration, the  statement  will  convey  some  idea  of  his 
industry  in  literary  work. 

In  1836  he  returned  to  San  Juan  destitute,  as  one 
coming  back  from  exile.  He  sought  the  society  of  edu- 
cators, and  founded  there  a  college  for  young  ladies.  Its 
life  lasted  only  two  years,  but  furnished  a  model  for  the 
future.  Here  he  had  a  library  of  the  most  scholarly  works, 
which  he  carefully  studied.  He  mastered  the  literature 
of  the  world. 

His  methods  of  a  long  self-education  he  thus  describes : 
"  It  was  in  1837  that  I  learned  Italian,  in  company  with 
young  Rawson,  whose  talents  had  then  begun  to  show 
themselves  strikingly. 

"  Several  years  afterward,  when  editing  the  '  Mecorio  '  in 
Santiago  de  Chili,  I  familiarized  myself  with  Portuguese, 
which  is  very  easy.  In  Paris,  still  later,  I  shut  myself  up 
fifteen  days  with  a  German  grammar  and  dictionary,  and 
translated  six  pages  to  the  satisfaction  of  an  intelligent 
man  who  gave  me  lessons.  That  supreme  effort  left  me 
an  incomplete  scholar,  although  I  thought  I  had  caught 
the  structure  of  that  rebellious  idiom. 

"  I  taught  French  to  many  persons  for  the  sake  of 
spreading  good  reading  among  them;  and  to  sundry  of 
my  friends  I  taught  it  without  giving  them  lessons.  To 
put  them  in  the  path  which  I  had  trodden,  I  said :  '  You 
must  not  fail  to  study — I  am  coming.'  And  when  I  saw 
their  self-love  fairly  piqued,  I  gave  them  a  few  lessons 
upon  the  way  to  study  for  themselves." 

He  again  emigrated  to  Chili  with  the  intention  of 
founding  a  college  there.  The  idea  of  public  education 
made  his  feet  restless.  He  had  but  one  vision.  It  was 
like  that  of  Horace  Mann.  It  dominated  his  life. 

The  states  of  South  America  became  jealous  of  their 


SARMIENTO  197 

heroes  and  national  glory.  Chili  had  caused  to  be  erased 
from  her  historic  records  the  noble  name  of  the  uncon- 
querable Argentine,  San  Martin.  The  chivalrous  soul  of 
Sarmiento  was  fired  by  the  injustice.  He  wrote  anew  the 
true  history  of  this  man's  deeds.  He  carried  public  opinion 
with  him.  The  equestrian  statue  of  San  Martin  now  faces 
the  Andes  from  the  beautiful  boulevard  of  Santiago. 
Sarmiento  now  became  an  editor,  and  thus  sought  to 
educate  public  opinion.  He  endeavored  to  organize 
primary  instruction  in  Chili.  He  wrote  the  first  spelling- 
book  with  accents,  and  founded  the  "  Monitor  for  Schools." 
In  1842  he  founded  the  first  normal  school  in  South 
America,  and  for  a  time  brought  to  it  his  own  varied 
learning.  In  1843  ne  founded  the  first  paper  that  was 
printed  in  Santiago  de  Chili.  It  was  called  "  El  Progreso  " 
("The  Progress"). 

He  was  persecuted  in  Chili  by  some  who  were  jealous 
of  him.  Envy  called  him  a  "  foreigner."  Slander  made 
his  life  miserable.  His  person  was  in  danger,  but  he  lived 
in  his  purpose,  and  his  purpose  lived  in  him.  His  ambition 
was  to  be  the  apostle  of  education. 

He  went  to  Europe.  He  there  met  Thiers,  Guizot, 
Humboldt  and  Cobden.  In  the  latter  he  found  a  con- 
genial spirit.  In  England  he  met  with  the  great  educa- 
tional report  of  Horace  Mann.  Here,  too,  he  found  a 
twin  soul,  and  from  his  thought  knew  his  brother  worker 
in  the  interests  of  mankind.  He  returned  to  South 
America  with  a  stronger  enthusiasm  for  education.  He 
succeeded  in  obtaining  for  educational  purposes  in  Buenos 
Ayres  $127,000,  and  erected  a  model  school  building  in 
that  city,  which  exerted  a  powerful  influence  on  the 
thought  of  the  whole  country.  In  1860  he  had  the 
satisfaction  of  seeing  17,279  children  in  Buenos  Ayres  in 
the  public  schools.  "  Give  me  the  department  of  schools," 


198  SOUTH   AMERICA 

he  said;  "  this  is  all  the  future  of  the  republic."  In  1858 
he  was  elected  a  senator  from  Buenos  Ayres,  and  secured 
an  appropriation  of  lands  worth  $1,000,000  for  public 
education. 

He  became  a  great  leader  of  the  liberal  party,  and 
minister  of  state.  He  was  assigned  by  the  national 
government  to  the  office  of  minister  to  the  United  States. 
Here  he  met  the  great  educators  of  North  America.  On 
his  return  he  was  elected  President  of  the  Argentine 
Republic.  He  led  the  country  into  that  period  that  will 
be  remembered  as  the  golden  age  of  its  history.  He 
made  education  the  glory  of  Argentina,  and  did  a  similar 
work  in  Chili  and  Peru. 

He  died  at  Asuncion,  Paraguay,  September  II,  1888. 
His  life  was  one  of  beneficence.  Under  his  influence 
the  republic  made  use  of  her  great  opportunity.  The 
children  of  the  country  will  ever  honor  his  name.  The 
progress  of  education  in  South  America  has  largely  fol- 
lowed the  views  of  Sarmiento,  who  especially  valued  the 
primary  and  the  normal  school. 

The  population  of  the  South  American  republics  is  now 
increasing  so  rapidly  that  statistics  are  altered  yearly,  but 
the  following  facts  from  recent  official  reports  will  give 
the  reader  a  view  of  the  educational  field  outside  of  the 
Argentine  Republic: 

BOLIVIA,  1893. — Area,  784,544  square  miles;  divided 
into  9  departments,  the  littoral  being  occupied  by  Chili ;' 
population,  2,333,350,  of  which  1,000,000  are  Indians  of 
pure  blood,  and  600,000  are  Creoles ;  schools,  493,  and  4 
universities. 

BRAZIL,  1893.— Area,  3,251,829  English  square  miles; 
divided  into  20  states ;  population  uncertain,  but  exceed- 
ing 14,000,000;  immigration  in  1891,  216,659;  schools, 
public,  private  and  normal,  7500,  with  300,000  pupils; 


SARMIENTO  199 

especial  attention  given  to  primary  and  normal-school 
education. 

CHILI,  1893.— Area,  290,828  square  miles,  divided  into 
23  provinces;  population,  2,817,552  (now  3,267,441); 
1 20 1  free  public  schools,  with  101,954  pupils;  national 
library,  70,000  volumes. 

COLOMBIA. — Area,  504,773  English  square  miles; 
population,  4,000,000,  including  220,000  Indians;  schools, 

1 6  normal,  1734  primary;  primary  education  free. 
ECUADOR.— Area,  248,350  square  miles;  divided  into 

17  provinces;   population,   1,272,065;  schools,  856,  with 
1137  teachers;    17  journals  are  published  in  the  republic. 

PARAGUAY.— Area,  88,807  square  miles;  population, 
600,000 ;  primary  schools  compulsory ;  the  Normal  Col- 
lege has  15  professors. 

PERU.— Area  uncertain,  estimated  at  483,147  square 
miles;  population,  2,621,844;  schools,  1177  primary; 
library  of  University  of  Lima,  20,000  volumes. 

URUGUAY.— Area,  72,172  square  miles;  population, 
706,524;  schools,  470  primary;  primary  education  com- 
pulsory between  the  ages  of  six  and  fourteen ;  the  normal 
school  has  19  professors. 

VENEZUELA. — Area,  599,538  square  miles;  population, 
2,323,527;  schools,  1415;  primary  instruction  obligatory. 


CHAPTER    XXI 

DOM    PEDRO    II.   AND    THE    PROGRESS   OF    BRAZIL— 
THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AMAZON 

THE  history  of  the  progress  of  Brazil  is  inwoven  with 
that  of  the  beneficent  Emperor,  Dom  Pedro  II.  He 
was  crowned  July  18,  1841,  at  the  age  of  fourteen  and  a 
half  years.  The  sixtieth  anniversary  of  his  birthday, 
celebrated  on  December  2,  1885,  was  made  the  occasion 
of  the  liberation  of  one  hundred  and  thirty-three  slaves  by 
a  private  subscription.  During  the  ceremony  of  conferring 
liberty  on  these  slaves,  the  emperor  said :  "  I  hope  that  God 
will  give  me  life  to  bestow  liberty  upon  the  last  slave  in 
Brazil."  His  hope  was  fulfilled.  After  a  work  so  benefi- 
cent he  was  compelled  to  abdicate  and  to  leave  the  country. 

"  The  emperor,"  says  Andrews  ("  Brazil :  Its  Conditions 
and  Prospects  "),  "  is  six  feet  tall.  He  has  an  intellectual 
head,  eyes  of  grayish  blue,  beard  full  and  gray.  He  is 
erect  and  has  a  manly  bearing.  Being  now  upward  of 
sixty  years  of  age,  he  is  not,  of  course,  so  sentimental  a 
man  as  when,  at  thirty  years  of  age,  he  used  to  talk  to 
American  travelers  about  our  poets,." 

The  last  touch  of  this  picture  draws  us  toward  him. 
Dom  Pedro  II  loved  the  poems  of  the  Quaker  poet  Whit- 
tier.  At  a  reception  in  Boston,  tendered  to  him  by  the 
Radical  Club,  he  met  the  poet.  JDom  Pedro  II.  was  him- 

200 


THE   PROGRESS   OF   BRAZIL  2OI 

self  a  poet.  He  thus  expresses  his  opinion  of  the  position 
to  which  he  had  been  called  and  of  the  duties  it  entailed. 
This  opinion  found  practical  expression  in  every  act  of  his 
long  and  illustrious  reign. 

If  I  am  pious,  clement,  just, 

I  'm  only  what  I  ought  to  be : 
The  scepter  is  a  mighty  trust, 

A  great  responsibility. 

And  he  who  rules  with  faithful  hand, 

With  depth  of  thought  and  breadth  of  range, 

The  sacred  laws  should  understand, 
But  must  not  at  his  pleasure  change. 

The  chair  of  justice  is  the  throne : 
Who  takes  it  bows  to  higher  laws ; 

The  public  good,  and  not  his  own, 
Demands  his  care  in  every  cause. 

Translation  of  D.  Bates. 

The  political  affairs  in  Brazil  from  the  beginning  of  the 
republican  movement  in  South  America  had  had  a  liberal 
tendency.  Dom  Pedro  II.  was  only  five  years  of  age 
when,  by  his  father's  abdication,  he  succeeded  to  the 
throne.  The  regents  during  his  minority  were  chosen 
for  him  in  accordance  with  the  public  will.  He  was  de- 
clared of  age  before  he  was  fifteen,  and  the  heart  of  the 
boy  emperor,  from  the  first  days  of  his  reign,  went  out  to 
the  people  who  had  desired  to  see  him  thus  early  upon 
the  throne.  In  1843  ne  married  the  Princess  Theresa 
Christina  Maria  of  Naples.  Two  princes,  who  died  young, 
and  two  princesses  were  the  result  of  this  union. 

He  offered  aid  to  General  Urquiza  in  the  war  against 
Rosas,  and  thus  secured  the  free  navigation  of  the  Rio  de 
la  Plata. 


202  SOUTH    AMERICA 

In  1850  the  slave-trade  was  suppressed  in  Brazil.  This 
was  the  first  step  toward  the  emancipation  of  slaves,  an 
act  which  gave  Dom  Pedro  II.  a  place  among  the  greatest 
benefactors  of  humanity.  In  1800  Brazil  possessed  a 
population  of  3,200,000,  nearly  one  half  of  which  was 
negro  slaves.  A  law  for  the  gradual  abolition  of  slavery 
was  passed  in  1871.  This  was  followed  by  the  abolition 
of  slavery  in  1888. 

In  1865  Dom  Pedro  declared  war  against  the  tyrant 
Lopez  of  Paraguay,  who  had  refused  the  free  navigation 
of  the  Paraguay  River,  one  of  the  sources  of  supply  of 
the  great  province  of  Matto-Grosso  in  Brazil.  The  war 
ended  in  a  complete  victory  for  Brazil.  It  cost  Brazil 
$315,000,000. 

Years  of  peaceful  progress  in  Brazil  followed  the  Para- 
guayan war.  The  emperor  gave  himself  to  the  study  of 
the  welfare  of  his  people.  He  shared  his  great  revenues 
with  the  poor.  The  freedom  of  the  press  was  guaranteed ; 
education  was  encouraged,  and  institutions  of  beneficence 
founded. 

Emancipation  was  followed  by  a  great  European  im- 
migration to  Brazil.  In  the  single  year  1888,  132,000 
immigrants  arrived. 

On  an  island  in  the  harbor  of  Rio  de  Janeiro,  now 
called  Villegaignon,  but  named  Coligny  by  the  first 
settlers,  the  French  Huguenots,  in  1555,  planted  one  of 
the  first  Protestant  settlements  in  the  New  World.  The 
colony  was  reinforced  from  Geneva  by  a  missionary 
colony.  Thus  the  first  Protestant  missionary  work  in 
America  was  begun  more  than  a  half-century  before  the 
coming  of  the  Pilgrim  Fathers  to  New  Plymouth,  or  three 
hundred  and  fifty  years  ago. 

In  1818  two  thousand  Swiss  colonists  founded  Novo 
Fribourgo,  one  hundred  and  fifty  miles  north  of  Rio  de 


THE    PROGRESS   OF    BRAZIL  203 

Janeiro.  The  place  is  very  beautiful  and  healthful,  and 
is  a  favorite  summer  resort  of  the  inhabitants  of  Rio  de 
Janeiro. 

German  immigrants  founded  the  colony  of  Sao  Leopoldo 
on  the  Rio  Grande  do  Sul  in  1824.  The  colony  grew  to 
40,000  inhabitants.  There  are  to-day  some  250,000  in- 
habitants of  German  origin  in  Brazil.  They  are  prosper- 
ous, and  are  constantly  growing  in  numbers,  resources  and 
wealth.  Sao  Leopoldo  was  the  mother  of  German  colo- 
nies. Out  of  this  colony  forty-three  others  sprang. 

The  German  colony  of  Santa  Cruz  was  founded  in  1849, 
and  has  now  a  population  of  more  than  5000.  These 
Germans  cultivate  corn,  rice,  tobacco,  sugar-cane,  flax  and 
the  vine. 

The  colony  of  Blumenau  was  founded  in  1860,  by  Dr. 
Herman  Blumenau,  and  has  a  population  of  11,000  or 
more. 

The  colony  of  Santa  Leopoldina,  on  the  river  Santa 
Maria,  cultivates  coffee  and  sugar-cane.  Its  export  of  the 
former  numbers  millions  of  pounds.  There  are  several 
coffee-producing  colonies  in  the  different  states. 

At  times  the  ocean  passage  of  immigrants  has  been 
paid  by  the  Brazilian  government.  Under  the  provision 
of  the  law  of  1867,  newly  arrived  immigrants,  while  await- 
ing transportation,  were  lodged  and  fed  at  the  expense  of 
the  government.  On  taking  possession  of  the  government 
land  they  were  furnished  with  food  for  ten  days.  They 
were  given  eleven  dollars  in  money,  ten  acres  of  land  and 
a  temporary  house.  The  immigrant  was  debited  with  such 
advances,  but  was  allowed  a  long  time  in  which  to  pay 
the  loan. 

On  November  15,  1889,  after  a  bloodless  revolution, 
Brazil  became  a  republic.  The  republican  flag  took  the 
place  of  the  imperial  banner.  It  represented  twenty-one 


204  SOUTH   AMERICA 

states — the  United  States  of  Brazil.  The  emperor  sailed 
for  Portugal,  bringing  to  a  close  his  beneficent  and  illus- 
trious reign. 

The  history  of  the  navigation  of  the  Amazon  is  full  of 
dramatic  incidents.  No  river  promises  to  contribute  more 
to  the  world's  development.  It  is  three  thousand  miles 
long.  Its  branches  would  add  to  its  main  current  another 
three  thousand  miles.  It  rises  in  the  Andean  Alps,  four- 
teen thousand  feet  above  the  sea,  and  dashes  down  through 
the  crystal  Cordilleras  to  the  plains. 

The  first  voyager  on  the  Amazon  was  Francisco  de 
Orellana,  a  Spanish  adventurer.  His  story,  which  filled 
Europe  with  wonder,  is  as  follows :  Gonzalo  Pizarro,  the 
half-brother  of  the  conqueror  of  Peru,  received  the  ap- 
pointment of  governor  of  Quito.  He  had  heard  wonder- 
ful tales  of  the  land  of  cinnamon,  and  of  a  mighty  river 
that  leaped  down  the  Andes  and  went  rushing  to  the  sea. 
He  wished  to  visit  the  land  of  spices  and  to  discover  this 
river.  For  this  purpose  he  mustered  three  hundred  and 
fifty  Spaniards  and  four  thousand  Indians.  He  gathered 
for  the  expedition  a  great  quantity  of  provisions. 

In  the  year  1540  he  set  out  on  this  expedition  to  the 
cinnamon-groves.  He  marched  through  the  old  land  of 
the  Incas  as  in  a  triumphal  procession.  When  he  came  to 
the  cold,  bare,  lofty  ranges  of  the  Andes,  among  new 
tribes  of  barbarous  people,  his  men  began  to  suffer. 
Besides  the  cold  of  tne  Cordilleras,  he  met  with  an  earth- 
quake which  rent  the  earth  asunder,  poured  forth  sul- 
phurous vapors,  and  swallowed  up  a  village.  Five 
hundred  houses  were  destroyed.  On  descending  the 
eastern  slopes  of  the  Andes,  the  cold  changed  to  heat,  and 
heavy  thunder-clouds  hung  over  the  passes.  After 
months  of  travel  they  reached  the  land  of  cinnamon. 
They  came  to  the  river  Napo,  one  of  the  tributaries  of 


THE    HISTORY    OF   THE    AMAZON  205 

the  Amazon,  a  river  that,  in  this  region,  rolls  foaming  and 
tumbling  down  toward  the  plains.  It  is  said  that  the  roar 
of  this  river  may  be  heard  for  leagues.  It  flows  through 
a  pathless  wilderness,  gigantic  forests  inhabited  by  the 
alligator,  the  boa,  and  an  unknown  people  almost  as  wild 
as  the  beasts. 

In  this  expedition  was  one  Francisco  de  Orellana,  an 
ambitious  cavalier.  Gonzalo  Pizarro  caused  a  boat  to  be 
built.  He  intrusted  to  this  man  an  expedition  in  search 
of  food,  for  his  men  were  dying  for  the  want  of  supplies. 
The  last  of  their  horses  had  been  eaten,  and  the  gloomy 
forests  offered  no  adequate  sustenance  for  so  many  men. 

Orellana  had  heard  that  the  Napo  emptied  into  a  greater 
river,  and,  with  high  hopes,  he  started  with  his  boats  and 
a  crew  of  fifty  men.  He  sailed  down  to  the  plains,  over 
the  foaming  currents,  and  found  a  mighty  stream.  Orel- 
lana desired  to  explore  this  majestic  river.  His  duty  was 
to  return  to  the  famished  men  he  had  left,  but  his  ambi- 
tion rose  above  his  sense  of  duty.  Whither  did  this  grand 
river  flow?  To  the  ocean?  If  so,  to  follow  it  to  the 
ocean  would  make  him  famous.  He  continued  his  course 
on  the  broad  river,  and  he  and  his  companions  were  borne 
through  lands  of  wonder  to  the  ocean.  He  reached  the 
isle  of  Cahagua,  and  there  found  passage  to  Spain.  He 
thrilled  the  Spanish  court  with  his  story,  and  obtained 
royal  permission  to  occupy  the  lands  that  he  had  dis- 
covered. 

In  his  reports  of  this  perfidious  expedition  he  claimed 
to  have  found  a  nation  of  Amazons,  women  warriors  like 
those  fabled  to  have  lived  in  Scythia.  He  did  not  live  to 
fulfil  his  dream  of  repeating  the  deeds  of  a  Pizarro.  His 
marvelous  story  of  the  Amazons  gave  the  name  to  the 
river. 

The  Amazon  was  first  described  in  modern  travel  by 


206  SOUTH    AMERICA 

M.  de  la  Condamine,  a  French  traveler,  who  embarked 
upon  it  in  1743.  It  was  explored  in  1799  by  Humboldt, 
and  in  1867  by  Professor  Agassiz. 

In  1866  the  Peruvian  government  organized  an  expedi- 
tion to  ascertain  if  it  would  be  possible  to  establish  com- 
munication between  Lima  and  the  town  of  Magro,  at  the 
foot  of  the  Andes  in  Upper  Peru.  After  many  difficulties 
it  found  the  desired  waterway  to  the  tributary  of  the 
Amazon.  From  Magro  to  Lima  is  a  distance  of  four 
hundred  or  more  miles.  It  is  proposed  to  make  over  this 
route  a  new  waterway  to  the  Amazon,  and  so  from  Peru 
to  Para,  from  the  Pacific  to  the  Atlantic. 

The  india-rubber  trade  began  to  fill  the  Amazon  with 
river  craft.  The  great  ocean  steamers  followed,  and  to-day 
a  person  may  travel  by  steamer  from  New  York  to  Para, 
from  Para  to  Maranon,  and  thence  to  Peru  by  a  continu- 
ous waterway. 

The  navigation  of  the  Amazon  has  of  late  been  devel- 
oped in  a  wonderful  manner.  The  report  of  the  Bureau 
of  American  Republics  (Brazil)  says  of  this  development : 
"  The  possibilities  of  the  navigation  of  the  Amazon  and 
its  affluents  have  only  begun  to  be  developed;  and  yet 
the  following  '  magnificent  distances '  are  navigated 
already  by  steamers:  from  Belem  (Para)  to  Manaos, 
1 100  miles;  Manaos  to  Iquitos,  Peru,  by  river  Solimoens, 
1350  miles;  Manaos  to  Santa  Isabella,  by  river  Negro, 
470  miles;  Manaos  to  Hyutanahan,  by  river  Purus,  1080 
miles;  Manaos  to  Sao  Antonio,  by  river  Madeira,  470 
miles;  Belem  to  Bayao,  by  river  Tocantins,  156  miles; 
Leopoldina  to  Santa  Maria,  5  70  miles— making  a  total  of 
5196  miles  of  steam-navigation  on  the  Amazon  and  its 
southern  affluents  ;  and  this  total  does  not  include  the  navi- 
gation of  the  branches  of  the  above-named  rivers,  which 
would  increase  the  amount  by  some  3000  miles  more." 


THE    HISTORY    OF   THE    AMAZON  207 

Rubber,  coffee,  sugar,  cocoa  and  mandioca  (tapioca) 
here  find  one  of  the  finest  soils  in  the  world. 

The  coffee-plant  was  brought  from  Africa  to  Brazil. 
In  1800  the  empire  exported  13  bags  of  coffee;  to-day 
the  republic  exports  6,000,000  bags  of  132  pounds  each. 

The  port  cities  are  growing  populous  and  rich  with 
increasing  commerce.  Rio  has  a  population  of  more  than 
400,000,  Bahia  of  nearly  200,000,  and  Pernambuco  of 
150,000  or  more. 

Para,  the  port  city  of  the  Amazon,  called  Belem  in  Brazil, 
has  a  harbor  in  which  are  found  ships  from  all  parts  of  the 
commercial  world.  Through  this  port  pass  the  growing 
imports  and  exports  of  the  broad  Amazon  valley.  From 
January  to  July,  in  1888,  there  were  exported  from  Para 
rubber  to  the  value  of  $6,462,000,  and  cocoa  to  the  value  of 
$670,000.  The  city  of  Para  is  one  of  the  most  rapidly 
growing  commercial  centers  of  South  America. 

Rio,  with  its  beautiful  harbor,  is  the  port  from  which 
coffee  finds  its  way  to  many  lands,  but  most  largely 
to  the  United  States.  In  1888,  in  eleven  months,  3,330,- 
185  bags  were  exported.  The  state  of  Sao  Paulo,  which 
connects  with  Rio,  is  the  great  coffee  region  of  Brazil, 
and  is  the  home  of  the  planters  whose  enterprise  has 
caused  them  to  be  called  the  "  Brazilian  Yankees." 

The  Golconda  of  South  America  is  the  diamond  region 
of  Brazil,  known  as  the  Serro  do  Frio,  or  the  "  Mountains 
of  Cold."  The  diamond  district  is  small  in  extent.  It  was 
once  so  jealously  guarded  that  no  one  was  allowed  to  enter 
it  without  special  permission.  Travelers  thither  were 
escorted  by  soldiers.  They  were  not  allowed  to  remain 
for  any  considerable  time.  The  town  where  the  officers 
and  explorers  resided  was  called  Tejuco.  The  mines  were 
discovered  by  accident  in  the  early  part  of  the  last  cen- 
tury. Their  product  then  belonged  to  the  crown. 


208  SOUTH    AMERICA 

The  discovery  of  these  mines  is  associated  with  a  very 
curious  story.  The  lofty,  cold  range  of  Serro  do  Frio  was 
explored  for  gold.  In  searching  for  the  precious  metal 
some  singular  stones,  supposed  to  be  pebbles,  were  found. 
Their  luminous  qualities  and  geometrical  forms  excited  the 
curiosity  of  the  negro  laborers,  who  showed  them  to  their 
masters.  The  laborers  collected  these  shining  pebbles  as 
curiosities.  Card-playing  was  a  favorite  amusement  in 
these  cold,  lonesome  mountain  regions,  and  it  became  a 
custom  to  use  these  luminous  pebbles  as  counters  in  the 
game.  One  day  an  officer  who  had  been  in  India  arrived  in 
this  region.  He  saw  shining  pebbles,  and  was  led  to  ex- 
amine them  on  account  of  their  geometrical  forms.  He 
had  a  suspicion  that  they  might  have  value.  He  compared 
the  weight  of  these  pebbles  with  that  of  other  pebbles,  and 
found  a  great  difference.  The  result  led  him  to  believe 
that  they  were  gems.  He  sent  some  of  them  to  Lisbon  to 
be  examined.  The  Dutch  consul  there  saw  them.  "  They 
are  diamonds,"  he  said.  The  Dutch  consul  forwarded 
some  of  them  to  Holland,  where  they  were  pronounced  to 
be  diamonds  equal  in  value  to  those  of  Golconda. 

A  more  extraordinary  story  is  associated  with  the 
Braganza  diamond  of  Brazil,  the  largest  diamond  in  the 
world,  once  the  glory  of  the  jewels  of  Portugal.  "  It  was 
found,"  says  Mawe,  "  in  1791.  Three  men  convicted  of 
capital  offenses,  named  Antonio  de  Sousa,  Jose  Felix 
Gomez,  and  Tomas  de  Sousa,  were  sent  into  exile,  into 
the  wilderness  of  Morias,  among  cannibals  and  wild  beasts. 
They  searched  for  treasures.  They  were  forbidden  to 
enter  any  city  or  to  hold  communication  with  the  world. 
While  washing  for  gold  in  the  Abaite  River,  in  a  dry 
season,  this  diamond  gleamed  upon  them.  There  was  a 
law  against  diamond-washing.  The  three  exiles  took  the 
wonderful  gem  to  a  priest.  He  had  an  honest,  trusting 


THE    HISTORY  OF   THE    AMAZON  209 

soul,  and  he  ventured  to  lead  them  to  Villa  Rica,  where 
the  governor  of  Minas  then  lived.  Notwithstanding  the 
law,  he  presented  the  diamond  to  the  governor,  and  asked 
him  to  test  its  worth.  This  was  quickly  done,  and  the 
priest  was  commended.  '  I  want  you  to  pardon  these  men,' 
said  the  priest.  The  pardon  was  granted.  The  King  of 
Portugal  confirmed  the  pardon  granted  by  the  governor." 

The  discovery  of  the  value  of  india-rubber  followed 
the  diamond  excitement,  which  latter  lasted  from  1728  to 
the  close  of  the  last  century.  The  india-rubber  groves  of 
the  Amazon  became  the  source  of  a  commerce  more  rich 
than  the  diamond-fields.  For  a  century  the  uses  of  rubber 
have  multiplied,  and  the  rubber-tree  has  come  to  be  one 
of  the  most  beneficent  products  of  the  world. 

Brazil  is  a  prolific  land.  Her  territory  could  sustain  an 
immense  population.  Her  natural  products  are  inex- 
haustibly rich.  She  has  diamond-fields  indeed,  but  her 
soil  and  her  forests  are  the  sources  of  her  prosperity. 
The  mighty  arms  of  the  Amazon  will  forever  gather  her 
wealth  to  feed  the  world. 

Brazil  faces  the  future  with  such  abundant  and  unde- 
veloped resources  that  her  progress  in  the  twentieth  cen- 
tury is  likely  to  be  phenomenal.  We  cannot  wonder  that 
Dom  Pedro  II.  left  the  beautiful  land  with  regret,  and  that 
the  empress,  when  compelled  to  live  in  other  lands,  lan- 
guished and  died. 


CHAPTER   XXII 

THE  CONGRESS  OF  THE  REPUBLICS  AT  LIMA,  1847 — THE 
PROGRESS  OF  THE  WEST  COAST — BALMACEDA— 
GUIANA— THE  PAN-AMERICAN  CONGRESS,  1889-90 

THE  Panama  Congress,  although  a  partial  failure,  sug- 
gested the  destiny  of  the  Pan-American  republics. 
The  spirit  of  that  congress  was  unity,  peace  and  progress. 
"Adelante!"  ("  Onward!")  became  the  order  of  the  march 
of  the  South  American  states.  The  genius  of  Bolivar 
caused  the  new  republics  of  the  Sun  to  see  their  future 
possibilities  and  opportunities.  The  lands  of  the  palm, 
of  the  Cordilleras  and  the  Southern  Cross  could  become 
new  empires  of  the  world.  The  peoples  of  the  outworn 
tyrannies  of  the  East,  the  earliest  nations  of  the  world, 
would  come  to  them. 

Five  years  after  the  Panama  Congress  Mexico  sent  out 
an  invitation  to  the  Southern  republics  to  meet  in  a  new 
congress  at  Tacubaya,  Panama  or  Lima.  The  plan  failed. 
In  1838  Mexico  renewed  the  invitation.  The  favorite 
scheme  of  Bolivar  had  taken  hold  of  the  hearts  of  the  new 
republics.  The  Liberator,  though  dead,  lived  in  this  spirit 
that  he  had  inspired.  Mexico  made  this  second  appeal 
with  these  words,  than  which  nothing  could  be  more  noble : 
"  We  desire  the  union  and  alliance  of  the  new  states  for 
the  purposes  of  defense  against  foreign  invasion,  and  the 

210 


PROGRESS    OF    THE    WEST    COAST  211 

acceptance  of  friendly  mediation  of  the  neutral  states  for 
the  settlement  of  all  disagreements  and  disputes,  of  what- 
ever nature,  which  might  happen  to  arise  between  sister 
republics."  The  plan  again  did  not  take  form,  though  the 
spirit  of  it  lived  and  grew. 

In  1840  New  Granada  joined  with  Mexico  in  inviting  the 
South  American  republics  to  a  conference,  and  suggested 
the  historic  Tacubaya  as  the  place  of  the  meeting.  The 
suggestion  did  not  meet  with  a  favorable  response. 

In  1847  the  republics  of  Bolivia,  Chili,  Ecuador,  New 
Granada  and  Peru  decided  to  hold  a  congress  at  Lima. 
They  invited  the  other  republics  to  join  them.  The 
invitation  was  also  extended  to  the  United  States.  The 
congress  met  at  Lima,  on  December  u,  1847.  It 
held  nineteen  meetings.  The  result  was  a  treaty  of 
confederation.  The  United  States  was  then  at  war  with 
Mexico,  so  these  republics  did  not  take  part  in  the  con- 
ference. At  this  congress  there  was  brought  forward  a 
secret  plan  of  Spain  to  form  Cuba,  Porto  Rico  and  Spanish 
Santo  Domingo  into  a  monarchy  for  the  purpose  of  re- 
conquering New  Granada  and  the  ancient  possessions  of 
the  Peninsula  on  the  Spanish  Main. 

The  expedition  of  General  Walker  in  Nicaragua  caused 
a  new  alarm,  and  another  continental  congress  assembled, 
this  time  at  the  city  of  Santiago,  on  September  15,  1856. 
Here  again  the  great  plans  of  Bolivar  for  the  purpose  of 
continental  unity  and  peace  were  discussed. 

In  1864  the  government  of  Peru  issued  an  invitation  to 
all  of  the  Spanish  republics  to  meet  in  congress  at  Lima. 
This  congress  met  there  on  November  14,  1864.  It 
was  opened  by  the  celebration  of  the  birth  of  Simon 
Bolivar. 

In  1 88 1  Colombia  issued  a  call  for  a  congress  to  be 
held  at  Panama.  This  was  to  bring  together  the  repre- 


212  SOUTH    AMERICA 

sentatives  of  all  the  republics  of  the  western  world.  The 
United  States  was  invited  to  be  represented.  The  purpose 
of  this  congress  was  to  unite  the  republics  of  America 
against  foreign  dictation  and  to  promote  among  them 
fraternity,  progress  and  peace.  The  Argentine  Republic, 
in  accepting  the  invitation,  said  :  "  Peace  is  certainly  most 
necessary  for  Spanish  America.  Europe  no  longer  enter- 
tains thoughts  of  conquests  or  recoveries.  These  were 
abandoned  in  view  of  our  unconquerable  attitude."  The 
proposed  congress  was  never  held,  owing  to  the  disturbed 
relations  into  which  the  republics  were  unexpectedly 
thrown. 

But  the  soul  of  the  movement  lived,  and  another 
congress  was  convoked,  to  meet  at  the  city  of  Washington, 
in  1882.  The  call  for  this  congress  came  from  our  own 
land.  Mr.  Elaine,  from  the  Department  of  State,  issued  a 
manifesto  in  which  are  the  following  notable  words: 
"  For  some  years  a  growing  disposition  has  been  mani- 
fested by  certain  states  in  Central  and  South  America  to 
refer  disputes  affecting  grave  questions  of  international 
relationship  and  boundaries  to  arbitration  rather  than  the 
sword.  It  has  been  on  several  occasions  a  source  of  pro- 
found satisfaction  to  the  government  of  the  United  States 
to  see  that  this  country  is  in  a  measure  looked  up  to  by 
all  the  American  powers  as  their  friend  and  mediator. 
The  existence  of  this  growing  tendency  convinces  the 
President  that  the  time  is  ripe  for  a  proposal  that  shall 
enlist  the  good  will  and  active  cooperation  of  all  the  states 
of  the  western  hemisphere,  both  north  and  south,  in  the 
interests  of  humanity,  for  the  common  weal  of  the  na- 
tions." Internal  dissensions  in  South  America  caused  this 
proposed  congress  to  be  postponed  till  1890. 

Thus  the   principles   of   Bolivar  grew.      The   Panama 


PROGRESS    OF   THE    WEST    COAST  213 

Congress,  one  of  the  first  ever  held  in  the  interests  of 
humanity,  did  not  fail.  It  was  to  find  expression  in  the 
International  American  Conference  of  1889-90. 

Before  considering  the  proceedings  of  this  congress  I 
shall  describe  the  growth  of  independence  among  the 
South  American  republics. 

The  word  "Chili,"  spelled  also  "Chile,"  is  probably 
derived  from  the  Quichua  chiri,  cold.  The  plains  and 
gardens  of  the  flowery  empire  lie  under  the  snow.  Acon- 
cagua rises  into  the  silence  of  eternal  wonder,  22,427 
feet  high.  The  historic  mountain  of  Maypo  is  1 7,664  feet 
high.  The  Uspallata  Pass,  from  Argentina  to  Chili,  is 
13,125  feet  above  the  sea-level.  Chili  is  a  land  of  fruit, 
of  pastures  and  waving  palms,  but  one  looks  from  the 
vegetation  to  mountain-crowns  of  snow.  These  mountains 
begin  in  the  wild  Patagonian  seas  and  sink  at  Darien,  to 
rise  again -in  the  Central  American  Andes. 

The  Inca  Yupanqui  led  his  army  across  the  dese-rt  of- 
Atacama  to  conquer  a  part  of  Chili.     The  Peruvian  do- 
mini®n  of  Chili  ceased  with  the  death  of  Atahualpa,  1533. 
In  tke  latter  days  of  the  two  republics  Chili  has  come  to 
dominate  over  the  rich  deserts  of  Peru. 

After  the  war  of  liberation  of  Chili  under  San  Martin, 
Chili  became  the  seat  of  the  naval  operations  on  the  west 
coast,  under  the  lead  of  Lord  Cochrane.  The  national 
government  began  in  1817,  under  the  dictatorship  of 
General  O'Higgins,  who  held  the  office  until  1823.  He 
was  succeeded  by  General  Freire.  The  government  by 
dictators  lasted  until  1828,  when,  under  the  administration 
of  General  Pinto,  a  constitution  was  promulgated.  On 
May  25,  1833,  the  present  constitution  was  promulgated. 
Under  it  a  succession  of  presidents  has  governed.  These 
presidents  have  for  the  most  part  been  able/  men,  with 


214  SOUTH    AMERICA 

noble  aspirations  for  the  progress  of  the  country.  The 
Araucanian  race  to-day  is  not  as  large  as  the  European 
and  North  American  colonists. 

Chili  has  a  present  area  of  300,000  square  miles.  The 
population,  after  the  estimate  of  1889,  is  3,413,576.  The 
foreign  population  is  something  more  than  80,000,  of  whom 
about  3 5,000  are  Peruvians.  The  Germans  number  about 
7000,  and  the  English  upward  of  5000.  The  foreign 
colonization  south  of  Concepcion  is  almost  wholly  German. 

By  the  constitution  of  1833,  the  sovereign  power  is 
declared  to  lie  in  the  people.  The  legislative  power  is 
administered  by  a  national  Congress  consisting  of  a 
Chamber  of  Deputies  and  a  Senate.  The  Chamber  of 
Deputies  is  composed  of  one  hundred  or  more  members. 
They  hold  office  for  three  years.  The  President  is  the 
executive,  and  the  supreme  head  of  the  nation.  He  is 
elected  for  five  years,  after  which  he  may  not  be  re- 
elected  until  the  expiration  of  another  five  years. 

The  present  constitution  of  Chili,  framed  under  the 
influence  of  Portales  in  1833,  may  be  considered  to  be  the 
beginning  of  the  new  progress.  The  railway  system  has 
aided  this  progress,  as  the  building  of  roads  had  done  in 
no  other  land.  Religious  toleration  followed,  and  educa- 
tion came  in  through  this  open  door.  The  population 
increased  as  the  world  began  to  see  the  opulent  valleys  of 
the  mountains  whose  eternal  whiteness  crowns  the  western 
world.  Artisans  and  agriculturists,  the  true  army  of  the 
future,  came.  In  1843  Chili  had  1,083,801  inhabitants; 
in  1854,  1,819,222;  in  1865,  2,075,971.  Then  the  min- 
ing industry  began,  and  the  unemployed  world  flocked 
toward  the  long  shining  strip  of  land  on  the  calm  Pacific. 
Valparaiso  became  a  city  of  75,000,  Santiago  of  175,000 
inhabitants.  At  the  beginning  of  the  year  1879,  Chili  had 
more  than  1000  miles  of  railroads,  and  15,370  miles  of 


li'i,      .  iSl,,,,^, *;.*>,. 


PROGRESS    OF   THE    WEST   COAST  215 

carriage-roads.  Her  rainless  territory,  the  nitrate  region, 
became  a  great  source  of  wealth.  This  district,  now  the 
principal  source  of  supply  of  artificial  plant-food,  has  a 
littoral  line  of  some  400  miles.  The  money  value  of  this 
region  cannot  be  computed.  The  world  gets  its  supply 
of  nitrate  and  iodines  there. 

In  1884  Albert  G.  Browne,  Jr.,  opened  an  address  before 
the  American  Geographical  Society  with  the  following 
words :  "  I  will  apply  the  evening  you  have  invited  me 
to  occupy  to  some  considerations  of  the  growing  power  of 
the  republic  of  Chili,  on  the  Pacific.  There  are  sound 
reasons  why  the  United  States  should  be  the  foremost  of 
American  powers  whose  territory  borders  on  the  Pacific, 
and  the  fact  that  we  are  suffering  ourselves  to  be  surpassed 
there  in  political  influence,  in  commerce  and  naval  strength, 
by  a  country  whose  population  is  less  than  a  twentieth  of 
ours  merits  more  notice  than  is  accorded  to  it  by  Congress 
or  the  public." 

The  silver  ores  in  the  province  of  Atacama  were  dis- 
covered by  a  shepherd  as  late  as  1832.  The  wonderful 
events  on  the  desert  of  Tarapaca  are  of  later  date.  Val- 
paraiso was  until  a  half-century  ago  little  more  than  a 
calling-place  for  ships  going  around  the  Horn. 

The  formation  of  Alta  Peru,  the  Switzerland  of  America, 
into  the  republic  of  Bolivia  was  a  menace  to  the  power  of 
Chili.  The  latter  republic  attempted  to  prevent  the  union 
of  the  republics. 

Jose  Manuel  Balmaceda  was  born  in  Santiago  in  1842. 
He  came  of  an  ancient  and  honorable  Castilian  family. 
He  was  educated  for  the  priesthood.  He  had  an  ardent 
nature,  and  quick  sympathies  with  whatever  tended  to 
the  advancement  of  mankind.  He  joined  the  Reform 
Club,  and  became  a  leader  of  progressive  Chilians.  He 
sought  to  liberalize  the  Chilian  constitution.  He  was 


216  SOUTH   AMERICA 

elected  to  Congress  at  the  early  age  of  twenty-eight  He 
became  the  natural  leader  of  the  Liberal  party,  and  young 
Chili  saw  in  him  a  rising  star.  He  instituted  reforms. 
He  favored  universal  education.  He  rose  to  be  a  senator, 
a  minister  of  the  interior,  and  a  foreign  minister.  In  1886 
he  was  elected  President  of  Chili  by  an  overwhelming 
majority.  He  was  inaugurated  amid  the  plaudits  of  the 
people.  At  that  period  he  seemed  to  be  their  idol. 
Under  his  influence  Chili  advanced ;  public  education  was 
stimulated ;  improvements  multiplied.  Those  were  pros- 
perous days.  The  Conservative  party  in  Chili  was  from 
the  first  opposed  to  his  progressive  ideas  and  enterprises. 
Its  opposition  grew.  The  old  capitalists  thought  their 
investments  were  in  danger.  The  Conservatives  became 
a  controlling  power  again.  The  heart  of  Balmaceda  was 
in  the  progress  of  his  reforms,  and  he  at  first  sought  to 
retain  power  by  indirection.  He  caused  himself  to  be 
made  Dictator.  His  ungoverned  will  was  his  ruin.  The 
Conservatives  organized  a  powerful  movement  against  his 
usurped  authority,  and  defeated  him  in  a  battle  near 
Valparaiso.  After  the  battle  Balmaceda  vanished.  It  was 
suspected  that  he  had  found  refuge  on  an  American  ship. 
He  was  discovered  in  the  Argentine  consulate.  Rather 
than  be  captured,  he  ended  his  short  life  by  a  pistol-shot 
on  December  19,  1891. 

Peru,  the  land  of  the  ideal  government  of  the  Incas,  that 
gave  to  the  world  the  cinchona,  the  potato,  and  a  wealth 
of  new  varieties  of  flowers,  that  enriched  Spain  with  gold, 
and  the  worn-out  lands  of  many  countries  with  plant-food, 
has  been  subject  to  many  misfortunes  in  the  last  half  of 
the  century;  but  she  has  made  progress  in  education 
and  the  enterprises  of  industrial  art. 

The  presidents  and  chiefs  of  Peru  from  1829  to  1844 
were  as  follows:  Agustin  Gamarra  (from  1829  to  1833); 


PROGRESS    OF   THE    WEST    COAST  21 7 

Luis  Jose  Orbegoso  (1833-35);  Felipe  Santiago  de  Sala- 
verry  (1835-36);  Andres  Santa  Cruz  (1836-39) ;  Agustin 
Gamarra  (1839-41);  Manuel  Mendenez  (1841-44).  In 
1845  General  Ramon  Cortilla  was  elected  President  of 
Peru,  and  there  followed  a  long  period  of  peace  and  pros- 
perity. 

We  have  spoken  of  the  flag  of  the  Army  of  the  Andes, 
the  banner  of  the  Sun.  The  flags  of  the  patriotic  move- 
ments were  usually  adopted  before  the  declarations  of 
independence.  They  sprang  into  life  spontaneously. 

The  flag  of  Chili  had  an  American  origin.  In  1812 
the  first  printing-press  was  established  in  Chili,  and  on 
February  13  appeared  the  first  newspaper  there,  called 
"  La  Aurora  de  Chili,"  edited  by  a  priest.  With  the 
printing-press  from  the  United  States  came  Mr.  Poinsett, 
a  patriotic  consular  agent,  whose  heart  beat  in  sympathy 
with  the  new  ideas  of  the  country.  This  man  celebrated 
the  Independence  Day  of  his  own  country,  at  the  consulate 
on  July  4,  1812.  He  unfurled  the  Stars  and  Stripes. 
With  it  he  launched  in  the  air  a  new  flag  of  three  colors 
with  one  star  in  its  corner.  The  one  star  stood  for  Chili. 
The  three  colors  became  the  cockade  of  the  patriots.  On 
September  30  the  tricolor  and  one  star  was  adopted  as 
the  national  ensign.  When  the  Republic  of  Colombia  was 
decreed  in  the  eventful  year  of  1819,  the  tricolored  flag 
raised  by  Miranda  in  1806  became  the  national  emblem. 
This  was  the  flag  of  yellow,  blue  and  red,  the  national  en- 
sign that  Venezuela  had  borne  from  the  days  of  Miranda, 
in  her  struggles  for  liberty.  The  flag  of  the  Sun  that  San 
Martin  had  borne  over  the  Andes,  with  colors  of  white 
and  scarlet,  was  made  on  October  24,  1820,  the  escutcheon 
of  the  republic  of  Peru.  The  figure  was  that  of  the  sun 
rising  over  the  mountains,  on  a  tranquil  sea. 

The  republics  of  South  America  began  their  indepen- 


2l8  SOUTH    AMERICA 

dent  existences  as  follows :  The  first  declaration  of  inde- 
pendence in  South  America  was  made  by  the  Congress 
that  convened  in  Caracas  on  March  2,  1811,  one  of  the 
deputies  to  which  was  Miranda.  This  man  urged  an  im- 
mediate declaration  of  the  independence  of  Venezuela, 
and  carried  the  measure  of  July  5.  On  the  same  day  the 
flag  of  yellow,  red  and  blue  was  adopted  as  the  national 
ensign.  The  province  of  Cartagena  followed,  declaring 
herself  an  independent  state  on  November  11,  1811. 
Argentina  made  her  declaration  of  independence  at  the 
Congress  at  Tucuman  on  July  9,  1816,  under  the  influence 
of  San  Martin.  The  general  of  the  Army  of  the  Andes 
believed  in  the  independence  of  the  country  from  Spain, 
and  in  the  rule  of  the  representatives  of  the  people ;  but  at 
one  period  of  his  life  he  seems  to  have  looked  favorably 
upon  the  English  form  of  government,  a  constitutional 
monarchy.  He  was  a  conservative  man.  He  weighed 
everything,  and  desired  to  found  things  that  would  last. 
His  conservatism  brought  him  under  the  criticism  of  those 
of  more  advanced  and  radical  views.  He  was,  however, 
more  concerned  with  the  gaining  of  the  independence  of 
the  country  than  deciding  upon  forms  of  government. 

Bolivar  gradually  came  to  believe  in  the  unity  of  the 
republics  of  South  America  under  the  rulers  elected  by  the 
people.  He  at  one  time  held  the  views  afterward  advo- 
cated in  some  measure  by  the  Pan-American  Congress,  or 
International  American  Conference,  of  1890.  The  Chilian 
people  had  voted  for  independence  on  November  17,  1817. 
On  January  20,  1818,  the  independence  was  proclaimed 
at  Talca,  and  afterward  at  Santiago  by  a  solemn  assembly 
in  the  great  square.  Among  the  first  who  swore  on  the  lat- 
ter occasion  to  support  the  independence  were  San  Martin 
and  the  bishop  of  Santiago.  The  independence  of  Peru 
was  proclaimed  with  an  inspiring  ceremony,  in  the  great 


PROGRESS    OF   THE    WEST    COAST  219 


square  at  Lima,  on  July  28,  1821.  San  Martin,  who  had 
been  present  at  the  birth  of  two  republics,  here  displayed 
the  new  flag  of  Peru  amid  the  thunders  of  cannon  and  the 
vivas  of  the  people.  The  triumphal  procession  of  liberty 
passed  through  the  streets  of  rainless  Lima  amid  showers 
of  flowers.  We  have  already  spoken  of  the  declaration 
of  independence  of  Brazil.  Several  provinces  declared 
themselves  independent,  as  Panama  and  Maracaybo,  but 
later  reunited  with  the  republics  of  which  they  naturally 
formed  a  part.  The  year  1830  found  South  America 
practically  free  and  independent,  but  in  the  unsettled 
state  that  for  a  time  generally  follows  a  radical  change  of 
government.  The  independent  republic  of  Venezuela, 
New  Granada,  and  a  part  of  the  country  now  known  as 
Ecuador  was  proclaimed  on  May  9,  1821.  The  constitu- 
tion of  Bolivia  was  formed  in  1826,  and  in  1830  Simon 
Bolivar  retired  from  active  life,  being  voted  the  "  first  and 
best  citizen  of  Colombia,"  and  allotted  a  pension  of  three 
hundred  thousand  dollars  a  year.  From  that  date  the 
republics  of  the  South  were,  as  a  rule,  left  to  work  out 
their  own  political  destiny. 

South  America  was  now  a  land  of  republics,  except  a 
territory  between  the  Amazon  and  the  Orinoco,  called 
Guiana.  This  remained  a  foreign  possession,  subject  to 
England,  France  and  Holland,  and  was  divided  into  three 
parts,  English  Guiana,  French  Guiana,  Dutch  Guiana. 

British  Guiana  abounds  in  forests  of  gigantic  trees;  in 
beautiful  flowers,  among  them  the  Victoria  regia  ;  and  in 
wonderful  orchids.  It  produces  sugar,  coffee,  cotton, 
cocoa,  vanilla,  cinnamon  and  tobacco.  It  is  the  home  of 
the  jaguar,  puma,  tapir  and  peccary.  The  boundary  of 
the  territory  west  of  the  Essequibo  River,  between  British 
and  Dutch  Guiana,  became  a  matter  of  dispute  after  the 
discovery  of  gold  within  the  mid-river  region.  A  com- 


220  SOUTH   AMERICA 

mission  was  appointed  to  settle  the  question.  The  popu- 
lation of  British  Guiana  in  1891  was  over  288,000. 

Dutch  Guiana  (Surinam)  lies  between  British  and  French 
Guiana,  and  has  like  productions.  Its  area  is  46,060 
square  miles.  Its  population  in  1890  was  56,873. 

French  Guiana  is  the  smallest  of  the  three  divisions. 
It  is  a  fertile  country,  abundantly  watered,  a  land  of 
coffee,  cane,  cocoa,  indigo  and  spices.  It  had  a  popula- 
tion in  1891  of  25,796.  Cayenne  is  the  seat  of  govern- 
ment. 

The  action  of  the  Congress  of  the  United  States  which 
preceded  the  decision  to  call  the  International  American 
Conference  of  1889-90  was  briefly  as  follows :  On  January 
21,  1880,  the  Hon.  David  Davis  of  Illinois,  at  the  request 
of  Hinton  Rowan  Helper,  the  publicist,  introduced  into 
Congress  a  bill  for  the  encouragement  of  closer  commer- 
cial relations  between  the  United  States  and  the  republics 
of  Mexico,  Central  America,  the  empire  of  Brazil,  and  the 
several  republics  of  South  America.  The  bill  called  for  a 
conference  in  regard  to  the  building  of  an  international 
railway  "  running  from  the  northern  to  the  southern  ter- 
mini of  the  eastern  slope  of  the  great  mountain-chain, 
which  would  open  that  vast  interior  region  to  our  manu- 
factures and  commerce." 

On  April  24,  1882,  Senator  Morgan  of  Alabama  intro- 
duced a  bill  into  the  Senate,  a  sentence  of  which  reads 
thus :  "  That  the  President  of  the  United  States  be,  and  he 
hereby  is,  requested  to  invite  all  the  governments  of  the 
said  [Latin- American]  republics  and  the  empire  of  Brazil 
to  send  delegates  to  meet  in  the  city  of  Washington." 
Adverse  action  followed. 

In  1884  the  Senate  took  favorable  action  on  a  similar 
bill,  which  was  followed  by  like  action  of  the  House  of 
Representatives.  This  latter  bill  was  accompanied  by  a 


PROGRESS   OF   THE   WEST   COAST  221 

report  which  clearly  set  forth  the  great  opportunity  of  the 
United  States  in  South  America. 

As  a  result  of  this  legislation  a  South  American  com- 
mission was  authorized.  On  January  26,  1886,  a  joint 
resolution  was  introduced  into  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives to  promote  arbitration  among  the  republics  of 
America. 

The  International  American  Conference  assembled  at 
Washington,  October  2,  1889.  The  government  of  the 
United  States  had  appropriated  seventy-five  thousand  dol- 
lars for  the  expenses  of  this  conference.  The  proceedings 
were  published,  at  public  expense,  in  the  English,  Spanish 
and  Portuguese  languages.  Later  an  additional  appro- 
priation of  fifty  thousand  dollars  was  made.  Eighteen 
invitations  were  extended  to  as  many  different  states. 
While  here  the  visiting  delegates  made  a  tour  to  the  com- 
mercial and  manufacturing  cities  of  the  country.  A 
special  train  conveyed  the  party  through  the  leading  states, 
a  distance  of  nearly  six  thousand  miles.  The  party  re- 
turned to  Washington  on  November  13,  after  an  absence 
of  forty-two  days. 

The  business  of  the  conference  began  on  November  18. 
The  Hon.  James  G.  Elaine  was  elected  president.  After 
organization  the  congress  adjourned  until  January  2,  1890. 

At  this  congress  reciprocity  and  the  commercial  rela- 
tions of  the  Latin-American  republics  were  discussed. 
Senor  Quintana  said :  "  The  real  constitution  of  the 
famous  Council  of  the  Amphictyons,  from  which  the 
constitution  of  the  United  States  was  taken,  was  nothing 
more  than  a  great  council  of  arbitrators  between  the  towns 
of  Greece."  Said  Senor  Zelaya:  "  Civilization,  humanity 
and  Christianity  cry  out  for  this  remedy  of  arbitration  for 
all  conflicts  in  the  future  which  may  arise  between  Ameri- 
can nations." 


222  SOUTH    AMERICA 

The  three  principal  topics  that  engaged  the  attention  of 
this  assembly  were,  the  international  railroad,  the  Nica- 
ragua Canal,  and  arbitration. 

In  a  letter  to  the  President,  May  12,  1890,  Mr.  Elaine 
submitted  a  plan  "  for  a  preliminary  survey  for  a  railway 
line  to  connect  the  commercial  cities  of  the  American 
hemisphere."  He  wrote:  "  Under  the  generous  and  pro- 
gressive policy  of  President  Diaz  the  railways  of  Mexico 
have  been  extended  southward  as  well  as  northward,  and 
toward  the  two  oceans.  The  development  of  the  Argen- 
tine system  has  been  equally  rapid.  In  the  other  repub- 
lics similar  enterprise  has  been  shown.  Each  has  its  local 
lines  of  railway,  and  to  connect  them  all  and  furnish  the 
people  of  the  southern  continent  the  means  of  convenient 
and  comfortable  intercourse  with  their  neighbors  north  of 
the  isthmus  is  an  undertaking  worthy  of  the  encourage- 
ment and  cooperation  of  this  government^  In  no  other 
way  could  the  government  and  the  people  of  the  United 
States  contribute  so  much  to  the  development  and  pros- 
perity of  our  sister  republics,  and  at  the  same  time  to  the 
expansion  of  our  commerce." 

President  Harrison,  in  submitting  the  report,  May  19, 
1890,  said:  "But  it  should  not  be  forgotten  that  it  is 
possible  to  travel  by  land  from  Washington  to  the  south- 
ernmost capital  of  South  America,  and  that  the  opening 
of  railroad  communication  with  these  friendly  states  will 
give  to  them  and  t(3  us  facilities  for  intercourse  and  the 
exchanges  of  trade  that  are  of  special  value.  The  work 
contemplated  is  vast,  but  entirely  practicable^' 

The  moral  influence  and  result  of  the  congress  centered 
in  arbitration.  In  1890,  after  long  discussion,  the  dele- 
gates adopted  a  declaration  which  was  a  prophecy  of  the 
future.  The  declaration  began  as  follows: 

"  The  delegates  from  North,  Central  and  South  Amer- 


PROGRESS   OF   THE   WEST   COAST  223 

ica,  in  conference  assembled,  believing  that  war  is  the 
most  cruel,  the  most  fruitless  and  the  most  dangerous 
expedient  for  the  settlement  of  international  difficulties ; 

"  Do  solemnly  recommend  to  all  the  governments  by 
which  they  are  accredited  that  they  conclude  a  uniform 
treaty  of  arbitration  in  the  articles  following : 

"  ARTICLE  i.  The  republics  of  North,  Central  and  South 
America  hereby  adopt  arbitration  as  a  principle  of  Ameri- 
can international  law  for  the  settlement  of  the  differences, 
disputes  or  controversies  that  may  arise  between  two  or 
more  of  them." 

The  other  articles  recommend  the  establishment  of  a 
high  court  of  nations  to  which  all  controversies  shall  be 
submitted  for  final  decision. 

The  International  American  Conference  is  the  prophetic 
vision  of  the  twentieth  century.  All  that  it  saw  is  likely 
to  become  a  part  of  the  history  of  the  next  generation. 


CHAPTER   XXIII 

THE  CHILI-PERUVIAN  WAR— THE  AFFAIR  OF  THE  "  ES-- 
MERALDA,"  AND  THE  HEROISM  OF  ARTURO  PRATT 
—THE  BATTLES  OF  TARAPACA  AND  MIRAFLORES. 

XTORTHERN  Chili  is  a  long  avenue  of  coast-land 
IN  between  a  high  chain  of  the  Andes  and  the  Pacific 
Ocean.  It  originally  formed  a  part  of  the  empire  of  the 
Incas. 

Fifty-four  years  elapsed  between  the  battle  of  Ayacucho 
and  the  Chili-Peruvian  War.  The  cause  of  the  latter  was  a 
dispute  as  to  the  boundary  of  this  narrow  strip  of  arid  land 
between  the  Andes  and  the  sea.  The  land  is  a  white, 
rainless  desert,  known  as  the  desert  of  Tarapaca.  South 
of  it  is  the  desert  of  Atacama.  At  the  time  of  the  inde- 
pendence of  Peru  nothing  on  earth  could  have  been 
deemed  of  less  value  than  these  two  deserts.  It  is  said  that 
there  were  Inca  villages  on  Tarapaca,  and  that  to  lose  one's 
way  in  rinding  them  was  death,  for  the  winds  obliterated 
every  track  in  the  white,  blinding  sands,  and  there  was 
no  tree  or  object  of  any  kind  to  guide  the  traveler.  In 
the  course  of  time  it  was  discovered  that  these  deserts,  so 
barren  and  seemingly  valueless,  abounded  in  wealth. 
There  were  rich  silver-mines  in  Atacama — in  fact,  among 
the  richest  in  the  world.  Tarapaca  was  found  to  abound 
in  plant-food  more  valuable  than  the  fertilizing  products 
of  the  guano  islands.  It  was  a  great  chemical  laboratory 

224 


'u*. 


THE   CHILI-PERUVIAN    WAR  225 

of  nitrate  of  soda.  The  impoverished  lands  of  Europe 
needed  the  riches  of  this  forbidding  desert.  Colonel 
North,  of  English  fame,  saw  his  great  opportunity  there. 

If  this  almost  boundless  wealth  had  not  been  brought 
to  light,  there  probably  would  have  been  no  Chili-Peru- 
vian war.  The  boundary  would  not  have  been  a  matter 
of  moment.  When  the  riches  of  the  desert  of  Tarapaca 
became  known,  Chilian  enterprise  began  to  find  a  field 
there.  Chilian  laborers  immigrated  there,  and  planted 
industries  there  on  soil  claimed  by  Bolivia,  which  had 
been  Peru.  When  the  South  American  republics  became 
independent  of  Spain,  their  boundaries  followed  those  of 
the  viceroyalties.  On  this  principle,  Peru,  or  Bolivian 
Peru,  claimed  the  province  of  Tarapacd,  which  had  been 
occupied  by  immigrating  Chilians.  The  province  extended 
from  the  southern  limit  of  Peru  to  the  northern  limit  of 
Chili.  The  Peruvian  land  was  that  of  the  province  of  Tara- 
paca. Hence  Peru  and  Bolivia  both  claimed  the  deserts 
of  Tarapaca  and  Atacama,  the  resources  of  which  the  en- 
terprising Chilians  developed.  The  territory  was  Bolivian 
Atacama,  and  Peruvian  Tarapaca,  of  Chilian  occupation. 

In  1870  the  rich  silver- mines  of  Caracoles  were  dis- 
covered. The  Bolivian  government,  in  consideration  of 
ten  thousand  dollars,  granted  a  concession  to  a  company 
to  work  the  nitrate  deposits  and  to  open  a  road  to  the 
silver-mines.  The  company  built  a  railroad  and  employed 
largely  Chilian  labor.  Under  this  arrangement  the  deserts 
came  under  Chilian  influence.  Bolivia  claimed  the  right 
to  tax  such  enterprises,  which  Chili  denied. 

A  defensive  treaty  was  formed  between  Peru  and  Bolivia 
to  protect  their  hereditary  boundaries,  which  Chili  had 
sought  to  overthrow.  Chili  regarded  this  treaty  as  detri- 
mental to  her  interests,  and  a  cause  of  war.  She  declared 
war  upon  Peru  on  April  5,  1879. 


226  SOUTH    AMERICA 

Chili  had  been  preparing  for  war  on  the  land  and  the  sea. 
She  had  a  strong  navy.  The  Chilian  army  was  well  drilled 
and  equipped.  Its  artillery  was  especially  effective.  It 
was  armed  with  Krupp  and  Gatling  guns.  The  Peruvian 
navy  consisted  chiefly  of  four  ships. 

The  war  began  February  14,  1879,  when  the  Chilians 
seized  the  Bolivian  port  of  Antofagasta.  They  next  occu- 
pied the  station  of  the  rich  silver-mines  of  Caracoles. 
General  Daza,  President  of  Bolivia,  declared  war  on  Chili 
March  I,  1879.  General  Brado,  President  of  Peru,  took 
command  of  the  Peruvian  army.  It  was  a  war  for  the 
riches  of  the  deserts. 

A  Peruvian  squadron,  consisting  of  two  ships,  the  Huas- 
car,  commanded  by  Captain  Grau,  the  Independencia,  by 
Captain  Moore,  and  some  transports,  sailed  south.  At 
the  same  time  the  Chilian  admiral  Williams  made  a  recon- 
naissance to  the  north.  A  very  heroic  and  dramatic 
event  grew  out  of  this  situation,  one  that  has  been  cele- 
brated in  song.  It  is  known  as  the  "  affair  of  the  Es- 
meralda" The  blockade  of  Iquique  by  the  Chilians  was 
sustained  by  two  vessels,  the  Esmeralda  and  the  Cova- 
donga.  Commander  Grau  landed  the  President  of  Peru 
at  Arica,  and  then  proceeded  to  Iquique  with  the  faiascar 
and  Independencia.  He  sighted  the  Chilian  blockading 
corvette  Esmeralda,  commanded  by  Captain  Arthur  Pratt 
(Arturo  Pratt),  and  the  gunboat  Covadonga,  commanded  by 
Captain  Condell.  Grau  at  once  attacked  the  Esmeralda. 
Captain  Pratt  saw  the  danger  of  the  small  corvette,  and 
attempted  to  draw  the  war- ship  Huascar  into  shoal  water. 
At  the  critical  moment,  one  of  the  boilers  of  the  corvette 
became  disabled,  reducing  the  speed  of  the  craft.  Pratt 
put  the  crew  to  the  guns  of  his  little  craft,  and  commenced 
action  against  the  man-of-war.  It  required  heroism  to  do 
this,  but  honor  demanded  it  should  be  done.  The  little  Es- 


THE   CHILI-PERUVIAN    WAR  22 / 

meralda  poured  a  broadside  into  the  Huascar,  and  for  two 
hours  a  cannonade  was  kept  up  between  the  two  vessels. 
Captain  Grau  now  made  use  of  the  ram.  He  struck  iheEs- 
meralda  at  her  port  side.  The  two  vessels  came  in  contact. 
As  they  did  so,  Captain  Pratt,  sword  in  hand,  leaped  on 
board  the  Huascar,  calling  to  his  officers  and  men,  "  Fol- 
low me!"  The  two  vessels  suddenly  became  disengaged, 
and  only  one  man  was  able  to  follow  the  captain's  com- 
mand. Pratt  rushed  along  the  deck  of  the  Huascar  as 
though  he  himself  had  captured  the  ship.  Captain  Grau 
must  have  admired  his  heroism.  "  Surrender,  captain," 
he  cried;  "we  wish  to  save  the  life  of  a  hero!"  Pratt 
began  to  wage  war  on  the  deck,  and  was  killed  sword  in 
hand.  Captain  Grau  again  used  the  ram  against  the 
Esmeralda,  when  the  men  of  that  ship  once  more  tried 
to  obey  the  command  of  their  fallen  commander  by  leap- 
ing on  board  of  the  Huascar.  The  effort  was  in  vain. 
The  Esmeralda  went  down.  Out  of  a  crew  of  two  hun- 
dred men  only  fifty  were  saved. 

In  the  course  of  the  war  the  Peruvian  navy  was  de- 
stroyed, and  Admiral  Grau  died  in  defending  the  Huascar. 

The  war  on  the  land  now  centered  at  Tarapaca.  The 
province  of  Tarapaca  contains  nitrate  of  soda  sufficient  to 
fertilize  the  gardens  and  fields  of  Europe  for  centuries  to 
come.  The  refining-works  of  this  immense  industry  are 
called  oficinas.  In  these  are  employed  thousands  of 
men  from  nearly  all  lands.  The  ports  of  the  deserts  are 
full  of  vessels,  and  look  like  towns  on  the  sea. 

The  invading  Chilian  army  numbered  some  ten  thousand 
men,  and  was  disembarked  at  Pisagua,  which  was  bravely 
defended.  A  battle  was  fought  at  San  Francisco,  and  the 
Peruvians  retreated  to  the  town  of  Tarapaca.  The  Chilian 
general  planned  to  surprise  and  destroy  the  Peruvian  army 
there.  On  the  morning  of  the  27th  of  November  the  Peru- 


228  SOUTH    AMERICA 

vian  troops  were  resting  under  willow-trees  in  the  gorge 
that  opens  from  the  stupendous  peaks  of  the  Andes,  as  high 
as  Mont  Blanc.  The  crest  of  the  ravine,  in  whose  heart  a 
mountain  stream  was  lost,  seemed  to  wall  the  purple  sky. 
A  muleteer  galloped  up  to  the  encampment  and  announced : 
"  The  enemy  is  on  the  height ! "  A  sub-lieutenant,  a  mere 
lad,  came  running  into  the  camp  in  great  excitement,  say- 
ing: "The  enemy  is  surrounding  us!"  An  officer  patted 
him  on  the  back  doubtfully,  but  looking  up  beheld  columns 
of  men  marching  high  above  him,  as  on  the  sky-line.  The 
Peruvian  commander  ordered  his  troops  to  march  up 
the  sides  of  the  ravine,  which  were  precipitous.  The  march 
was  like  scaling  a  wall.  The  Chilians  had  gathered  above 
them  in  force,  and  had  planted  on  the  heights  their  Krupp 
guns.  The  Peruvians  reached  the  crest.  Their  force 
consisted  in  part  of  Inca  Indians.  They  charged.  One 
by  one  their  leaders  fell ;  but  the  mountaineers  captured 
the  Krupp  guns,  and  compelled  the  invaders  to  fall  back. 
The  best  blood  of  Peru  flowed  like  water.  The  Chilians 
were  defeated,  and  retreated.  In  the  battle  twelve  hun- 
dred and  twenty  men  fell. 

But  though  the  Peruvians  gained  the  victory  at  Tara- 
paca,  the  advantage  of  the  war  was  still  with  the  powerful 
army  of  the  Chilians.  The  Peruvians  retreated  to  Arica. 
Nicolas  de  Pierola  became  the  supreme  chief  of  Peru. 
General  Campero  was  President  of  Bolivia>  Arica  and 
Callao  were  blockaded  by  the  Chilians,  and  the  year  1880 
brought  defeat  to  Peru  and  Bolivia.  The  Chilians  had 
destroyed  the  Peruvian  fleet,  and  had  secured  the  nitrate 
province.  The  allied  army  was  intrenched  at  Tacna,  a 
town  on  the  Pacific  side  of  the  Andes,  in  a  fertile  plain 
among  the  hills.  It  had  a  population  of  about  twenty-four 
thousand.  The  allied  army  consisted  of  fourteen  thou- 
sand. A  bloody  battle  was  fought  at  Tacna.  The  allies 


THE   CHILI-PERUVIAN    WAR  229 

were  defeated.  Arica  fell  before  the  conquering  Chilians. 
The  way  was  now  open  to  the  Chilians  for  the  conquest 
of  Peru. 

In  October,  1880,  the  United  States  offered  her  services 
as  mediator.  The  offer  was  declined.  The  conquerors 
now  set  their  faces  toward  Lima.  They  landed  south  of 
Lima.  A  battle  was  fought  at  Chorrillos,  a  beautiful 
town  near  Lima,  and  a  favorite  pleasure-resort.  In  this 
battle  more  than  two  thousand  Chilians  were  killed  and 
wounded.  The  Peruvians  defended  their  capital  bravely. 
They  made,  as  it  were,  a  human  wall  against  the  invaders. 
Four  thousand  lay  dead  on  the  field. 

There  is  a  beautiful  resort  near  Lima,  with  which  it  is 
now  connected  by  railway,  called  Miraflores.  It  is  over- 
looked by  the  Andes,  and  it  overlooks  the  sea.  The  land 
is  full  of  orchards  and  flowers.  Inca  ruins  are  there. 
Villas  of  the  nobility  make  the  spot  an  earthly  paradise. 
San  Martin  loved  the  place,  as  have  statesmen,  scien- 
tists, poets  for  centuries.  An  armistice  was  sought  by 
the  foreign  ministers,  who  had  taken  refuge  at  Miraflores. 
The  conference  was  ended  by  a  cannonade. 

At  Miraflores  the  Peruvians  made  their  last  stand. 
They  were  defeated  after  a  great  slaughter,  losing  six 
thousand  in  killed  and  three  thousand  in  wounded.  Lima 
fell  and  was  sacked,  and  the  Chilians  were  enabled  to 
dictate  their  own  boundaries  of  the  desert  of  Tarapaca. 


CHAPTER   XXIV 

HISTORY    OF  LIBERTY  IN  CUBA— THE  CUBAN  HEROES— 
THE  DESTRUCTION  OF  THE  "  MAINE  " 

/""COLUMBUS  discovered  the  island  of  Cuba  on  the 
^^  morning  of  October  28,  1492.  He  declared  the 
land  to  be  the  most  beautiful  that  eyes  had  ever  beheld. 
He  named  it  Juana,  from  the  son  of  the  royal  family. 
Poets  later  called  it  the  "  Isle  of  June."  There  was  a  tall 
ceiba-  or  cottonwood-tree  near  the  place  where  he  landed. 
Here  he  caused  a  wooden  cross  to  be  raised,  and  mass  to 
be  celebrated.  A  temple  stands  on  the  place  now  as  a 
memorial  of  the  event.  Columbus  believed  that  Cuba 
was  a  continent,  a  part  of  the  enchanted  land  of  far  Cathay, 
whose  wonders  and  glories  had  been  described  by  Marco 
Polo.  He  sailed  along  the  coast,  in  view  of  the  majestic 
forests  and  mountains.  He  visited  again  those  beautiful 
shores  on  his  fourth  voyage  to  America.  On  his  death 
his  body  was  buried  in  the  cathedral  near  the  place  where 
he  had  first  heard  mass  under  the  cottonwood-tree.  His 
tomb  may  be  seen  in  the  simple  but  ancient  walls. 

The  island  was  conquered  by  Velasquez  in  1511.  The 
conqueror  divided  the  land  and  the  natives  among  his  fol- 
lowers. He  founded  many  towns,  among  them  Havana 
and  Santiago  de  Cuba,  the  two  mentioned  about  the 
year  1515. 

230 


HISTORY    OF    LIBERTY    IN    CUBA  231 

The  simple  inhabitants  began  to  disappear.  Hernando 
Cortez  became  a  governor  of  Cuba  in  1537,  under  Velas- 
quez. He  sent  the  suffering  Indians  to  the  copper-mines. 
The  Indians  were  killed  by  the  forced  service.  From 
this  island  he  went  forth  to  the  conquest  of  Mexico. 

Negro  slaves  were  introduced  to  take  the  places  of  the 
perishing  Indians.  Great  plantations  were  cultivated,  and 
the  island  was  made  to  yield  rich  revenues  to  the  Spanish 
crown.  The  trade  of  the  sea  was  held  in  slavery,  and  as 
a  consequence  filibusters  filled  the  coasts. 

On  June  6,  1762,  at  the  period  when  Charles  III.  of 
Spain  was  at  war  with  Great  Britain,  there  appeared  off 
Havana  an  English  squadron  of  thirty-two  ships  and 
frigates,  with  two  hundred  or  more  transport- vessels.  The 
armament  was  the  largest  that  had  ever  appeared  in 
America.  It  was  commanded  by  the  Duke  of  Albemarle. 
The  English  landed  a  force  of  twelve  thousand  men.  The 
Spanish  garrison  consisted  of  only  twenty-seven  hundred 
men,  but  received  the  aid  of  volunteers.  The  invading 
army  occupied  the  heights  near  Morro  Castle  and  the 
city,  and  opened  fire  upon  both  of  the  latter  places,  but 
was  itself  exposed  to  a  fire  from  the  Spanish  on  the 
Cabanas.  The  Spaniards  blocked  the  entrance  to  the 
harbor  by  sinking  two  vessels  in  the  channel.  This  was 
done  to  protect  the  Spanish  vessels  inside  of  the  harbor. 
The  precautionary  defense  proved  a  snare,  for  it  shut  the 
Spanish  in  while  it  shut  the  English  out.  This  gave  the 
English  the  advantage  of  concentrating  their  force  on  a 
land  attack.  The  little  garrison  defended  itself  long  and 
bravely.  It  finally  surrendered,  and  was  permitted  to 
march  out  with  the  honors  of  war.  The  English  held  the 
fortifications  until  the  peace  of  Paris  in  1763.  The  "  Pearl 
of  the  Antilles  "  was  then  restored  to  Spain,  and  for  many 
years  the  date  of  the  restitution  was  observed  as  a  festival. 


232  SOUTH    AMERICA 

From  this  period  the  island  grew  in  wealth,  and  its 
viceregal  court  in  splendor.  Slavery  increased.  The 
plantations  were  among  the  richest  harvest-fields  of  the 
world. 

The  Creoles  began  to  hear  of  the  struggles  for  liberty 
in  the  provinces  of  the  Andes,  but  liberty  slumbered  in 
Cuba.  In  1823  a  society,  "  Soles  de  Bolivar,"  made  a 
movement  for  the  freedom  of  the  island.  In  1829  the 
secret  society  of  the  Black  Eagle  made  a  similar  attempt. 
It  was  unsuccessful. 

In  1 844  the  condition  of  the  slaves  had  become  intoler- 
able. They  planned  an  insurrection  for  freedom.  They 
struck  and  were  stricken  down. 

The  expedition  of  Narcio  Lopez,  a  Spaniard,  who  sailed 
from  the  Southern  ports  of  the  United  States  with  a  few 
hundred  men,  has  already  been  briefly  pictured.  Lopez 
was  the  Miranda  of  Cuban  freedom.  His  expedition  was 
one  of  those  failures  that  lead  to  success,  that  present 
ideals  that  do  not  fade.  His  heroic  and  tragic  death  was 
never  forgotten. 

In  1868  there  was  a  rising  of  patriots  against  the  tyranny 
of  Spain,  led  by  men  of  intelligence,  character  and  purest 
patriotism.  These  heroes  threw  to  the  breeze  the  banner 
of  liberty.  Puerto  Principe,  another  patriotic  city  of  a 
patriotic  province,  rose  in  arms.  The  rebels  were  poorly 
armed,  but  were  inspired  by  the  righteousness  of  their 
cause.  Fifty  thousand  Spanish  troops  and  seventy  thou- 
sand volunteers  confronted  them.  The  mountains  and 
marshes  were  their  defenses.  They  continued  the  struggle 
until  diplomacy  did  what  force  of  arms  could  not  do, 
namely,  secured  the  liberation  of  the  slaves. 

Again  liberty  slumbered,  but  not  as  before ;  it  dreamed 
now.  The  hope  of  independence  was  left.  It  lived  and 
grew.  Spain  had  promised  the  patriots  justice,  but  had 


HISTORY    OF   LIBERTY    IN    CUBA  233 

pursued  her  old  policy.  Spanish  officers,  bent  only  on 
making  fortunes,  filled  the  places  of  government.  Three 
fourths  of  the  office-holders  were  Spaniards.  They  gorged 
themselves  with  the  products  of  others'  toil.  The  system 
of  taxation  became  unbearable.  Human  rights  were 
ignored,  and  the  blood  of  cruelty  flowed  as  of  old. 

In  the  winter  of  1895  local  outbreaks  indicated  the 
beginning  of  another  war  for  liberty.  Maximo  Gomez,  a 
patriot  leader,  and  the  two  Maceos  were  again  in  the 
saddle.  Marshal  Campos  attempted  to  subdue  the  patriots, 
but  in  vain.  He  was  succeeded  by  Weyler,  another  Boves. 
Weyler  began  a  campaign  of  the  trocha.  He  built  a  line 
of  fortifications  across  the  island.  He  compelled  the  non- 
combatants,  the  reconcentrados,  as  they  have  come  to  be 
called,  to  be  gathered  together  in  fortified  cities,  and  a 
line  to  be  drawn  around  them,  to  pass  beyond  which  was 
death.  Here  they  were  left  to  starve.  Two  hundred 
thousand  people,  and,  according  to  some  writers,  a  larger 
number,  were,  under  this  policy  of  concentration,  starved 
to  death.  The  land  was  covered  with  heaps  of  dead  bodies. 

Excessive  cruelty  defeats  itself.  The  call  of  the  Cubans 
to  humanity,  for  help,  fell  at  first  upon  unbelieving  ears, 
then  upon  startled  ears.  Finally  it  touched  the  heart. 
Spain  seems  to  have  seen  the  coming  judgment.  She  with- 
drew Weyler  from  Cuba.  General  Blanco  took  up  the  cause 
of  the  Peninsula  with  a  more  humane  heart.  It  was  too 
late  for  military  success.  Of  over  two  hundred  thousand 
soldiers  sent  by  Spain  to  Cuba  more  than  one  half  died  or 
returned  disabled. 

Spain,  now  seeing  the  necessity  for  a  change  of  policy 
toward  the  wronged  island  of  Columbus,  proposed  to  the 
Cubans  autonomy,  or  local  self-government.  Such  a 
government  was  formed,  but  without  power. 

In  the  former  struggle  for  liberty  a  republic  had  been 


234  SOUTH   AMERICA 

formed,  with  Sefior  Cespedes  as  President.  A  new  Cuban 
republic  was  proclaimed  by  the  patriots  of  1895. 

The  rise  and  progress  of  the  new  republic  may  best  be 
pictured  by  narratives  of  the  lives  of  its  leading  heroes. 

Maximo  Gomez,  the  general-in-chief  of  the  insurgent 
forces,  was  born  in  1823.  He  entered  the  last  struggle 
for  Cuban  independence  when  past  seventy  years  of  age. 
"  He  is  a  grim,  resolute,  honest,  conscientious,  quizzical 
old  veteran,"  wrote  Consul-General  Lee  in  1898,  "now 
seventy-five  years  old,  who  has  thoroughly  understood 
the  tactics  necessary  to  employ  in  order  to  waste  the  re- 
sources of  his  enemy."  He  served  as  a  lieutenant  in  the 
Spanish  cavalry  in  the  revolution  of  Santo  Domingo.  The 
cause  of  the  patriots  of  Santo  Domingo  seems  to  have  set 
him  to  thinking.  He  became  a  republican,  and  joined  the 
Cubans  in  their  long  struggle  for  liberty.  He  was  one  of 
the  heroes  of  the  ten  years'  war. 

His  policy  in  the  final  Cuban  war  was  to  prevent  Cuba 
from  affording  resources  for  the  Spanish  army.  He  for- 
bade the  planters  to  grind  cane,  in  order  to  deprive  the 
Spaniards  of  their  revenue.  The  cane-fields  went  up  in 
smoke  wherever  he  marched.  He  believed  in  sacrificing 
everything  to  the  cause  of  liberty,  and  was  fond  of  relating 
that  the  semi-civilized  Indians  threw  their  gold  into  the 
rivers  on  the  approach  of  the  Spaniards. 

He  had  some  sterling  qualities.  He  never  allowed  the 
wounded  to  be  deserted.  "The  wounded  are  sacred,"  he 
said.  To  him  liberty  was  more  than  life.  Flint  relates 
that  Gomez  once  met  a  farmer  in  the  fields,  and  asked  him 
why  he  was  at  work.  Gomez  probably  received  the  answer 
that  the  farmer  worked  to  support  his  family.  "  To  sup- 
port your  family!"  Gomez  responded.  "  It  were  better  if 
you  fed  them  on  the  roots  of  the  forest  or  left  them  to 
starve,  as  my  men  have  left  their  wives  and  children  and 


HISTORY   OF   LIBERTY   IN    CUBA  235 

parents  to  starve  for  the  sake  of  the  fatherland.  Do  you 
know  that  you  make  the  land  richer  for  Spain  ?  " 

Such  was  the  spirit  of  Gomez.  His  faith  in  the  future 
was  perfect;  his  views  were  unyielding.  Flint  reports 
one  of  Gomez's  officers  as  saying :  "  The  life  of  one  entire 
generation  is  not  too  great  a  sacrifice  to  the  prosperity 
of  countless  generations  to  come."  Such  was  Gomez's 
opinion.  War  has  seldom  found  so  old  a  hero  who  was 
so  young  in  heart,  and  so  'full  of  thought  for  the  welfare 
of  man  and  of  the  future  that  he  would  never  see. 

Masso,  President  of  the  Cuban  republic,  was  a  man  of 
uncompromising  integrity  and  of  sublime  faith  in  the 
success  of  the  patriot  cause.  In  the  September  elections 
of  1897  Domingo  Mendez  Capote  had  been  chosen 
President.  The  military  chiefs  questioned  whether  or 
not  Capote  had  the  strength  of  character  to  resist  over- 
tures of  peace  from  Spain  in  case  of  great  disasters.  In 
the  ten  years'  war  the  patriots  had  lost  by  diplomacy  and 
the  acceptance  of  false  promises  what  they  had  a  right  to 
demand  as  the  results  of  their  valor.  They  wished  to 
avert  a  similar  fate  now.  Hence  they  needed  a  man  of 
iron.  Such  a  man  was  Masso.  A  new  election  was 
ordered,  and  Masso,  then  about  sixty-two  years  of  age, 
was  elected  President. 

"  Let  no  one  enter  our  camps  with  any  offer  of  terms 
of  peace  from  Spain,"  was  the  voice  of  insurgent  chiefs. 
"Independence  or  death  is  our  unalterable  purpose!" 
Masso  was  a  man  of  this  mold.  He  was  among  the  first 
of  the  Cuban  commanders  in  the  ten  years'  war,  and  he 
remained  in  the  field  to  the  last.  When  the  agreement 
of  peace  was  made  he  distrusted  the  Spanish  pledges  of 
reform.  For  this  reason  he  was  imprisoned  in  Morro 
Castle  and  deported  to  Spain.  In  1880  he  returned  to 
his  ruined  estates,  and  became  successful  as  a  sugar- 


236  SOUTH    AMERICA 

planter.  In  1895,  on  his  own  estates,  near  Manzanillo,  he 
proclaimed  the  independence  of  Cuba.  He  took  command 
of  the  patriot  volunteers  there  until  the  arrival  of  Maximo 
Gomez  and  Jose  Marti,  who  organized  the  war  of  libera- 
tion. Though  firm  in  his  conviction  of  right,  Masso  was 
just  and  liberal.  In  a  proclamation  issued  February  24, 
1895,  entitled  "To  the  Spaniards,"  he  said:  "While  you 
remain  friendly  to  us  we  will  consider  you  and  treat  you 
as  Cubans,  and  shall  respect  your  lives,  your  families  and 
property.  What  we  want  is  independence  for  all,  a  coun- 
try and  liberty!" 

It  was  Marti  who  organized  the  new  revolution,  which 
may  be  said  to  have  begun  on  February  24,  1895.  Marti 
was  born  of  Spanish  parents.  Liberty  was  his  native  air. 
Early  in  life  he  became  the  friend  of  political  prisoners. 
He  knew  the  spirit  of  the  old  monarchy  well,  its  politicians 
and  bureaucrats  who  aimed  only  at  robbery.  He  was 
exiled  from  Cuba  to  Spain.  He  escaped  from  Spain  to 
the  United  States  in  1879,  about  the  time  that  General 
Calixto  Garcia,  a  Cuban  patriot,  arrived  in  New  York. 
The  two  planned  an  expedition  to  Cuba  in  aid  of  the  cause 
of  independence.  Their  purpose  was  delayed,  but  each 
became  a  leader  in  the  movement  of  1895. 

Near  the  end  of  1 896,  at  the  head  of  a  charge  al  machete, 
there  fell  a  mulatto  general,  Antonio  Maceo.  On  his  body 
were  twenty-three  wounds,  received  in  many  engagements. 
He  had  been  one  of  the  heroes  of  the  ten  years'  war. 
This  man  belonged  to  a  family  of  heroes  of  the  patriotic 
province  Santiago  de  Cuba,  a  province  of  the  Southern 
seas. 

The  family  tradition  of  the  Maceos  of  Sanitago  is  a 
very  noble  one.  The  elder  Maceo  had  ten  sons.  He  saw 
the  oppression  of  the  Creoles  and  his  own  race.  He  dedi- 
cated these  ten  sons  to  the  cause  of  liberty,  Five  of  these 


HISTORY    OF    LIBERTY    IN    CUBA  237 

sons  fell  in  the  ten  years'  war.  Of  these  ten  sons  two 
became  famous,  and  did  deeds  that  merit  a  place  among 
heroes.  They  broke  through  the  trocha,  and  made  an 
open  way  from  Santiago  to  Pinar  del  Rio.  They  were 
Jose  Maceo  and  Antonio  Maceo,  both  of  whom  came  to 
tragic  ends  under  the  most  heroic  and  thrilling  circum- 
stances. The  death  of  Antonio  Maceo,  the  greatest  of 
this  family  of  born  patriots,  is  worthy  of  commemoration 
in  art  and  song.  In  the  beginning  of  the  winter  of  1896 
he  resolved  to  lead  his  cavalry  into  the  province  of  Havana, 
to  threaten  the  port  city,  and  to  give  the  Spaniards  a  sur- 
prise at  their  own  doors. 

He  prepared  for  this  daring  and  hazardous  exploit  with 
consummate  generalship.  He  organized  the  patriot  army 
of  the  mountains  of  Pinar  del  Rio,  and  put  it  under 
General  Rius  Rivera,  with  whom  he  had  fought  in  the  ten 
years'  war.  He  made  strong  the  prefectures  of  the  in- 
terior by  provisions  which  would  last  for  months.  Arms 
and  ammunition  had  been  landed,  and  the  Cuban  army 
was  in  a  condition  for  aggressive  work.  On  December 
4,  1896,  General  Antonio  Maceo  crossed  the  trocha,  and 
entered  the  province  of  Havana  with  about  fifty  raiders, 
among  them  his  chief  of  staff  and  other  most  ardent  and 
brave  officers.  Weyler  was  searching  for  him  in  the 
mountains  of  Pinar  del  Rio.  Antonio's  purpose  was  to 
destroy  the  suburbs  of  Havana,  and  then  to  join  General 
Maximo  Gomez,  who  was  marching  from  the  west,  and 
to  arrange  with  him  a  plan  for  the  winter  campaign. 
It  was  a  dashing  raid  on  December  5,  1896.  The  raiders 
crossed  the  trocha,  and  a  few  days  later  they  were 
joined  by  a  force  of  some  three  or  four  hundred  men. 
They  were  opposed  by  a  Spanish  force  under  Major 
Cirujeda,  an  officer  notorious  for  his  cruelty.  Maceo  ar- 
ranged his  force  to  strike  the  enemy,  and  said:  "This 


238  SOUTH   AMERICA 

goes  well.  A I 'machete  /  "  He  obeyed  his  own  order,  and 
led  the  way  on  his  fiery  war-horse.  The  patriots  were 
met  by  a  discharge  of  Spanish  rifles.  A  bullet  pierced 
the  head  of  Maceo ;  another  entered  his  body.  He  reeled 
back  and  fell  dead  among  his  faithful  officers,  who  were 
falling  around  him.  The  greatest  of  the  heroes  of  the 
Maceo  family  was  no  more.  On  seeing  their  leader  fall, 
the  Cubans  retreated,  and  the  body  of  the  dead  Maceo 
fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Spaniards.  The  latter  robbed 
it,  and,  tying  it  to  the  tail  of  a  horse,  dragged  it  about. 
They  finally  left  it  on  the  field  and  returned  to  their  camp. 
The  command  of  the  Cubans  now  devolved  in  part  upon 
General  Miro.  This  officer  recovered  the  corpse  of  Maceo, 
and  called  his  officers  around  him.  "  We  must  bury  our 
leader  in  a  secret  place,  and  you  must  take  an  oath  never 
to  reveal  the  spot  until  the  cause  of  Cuban  liberty  is  won." 
This  oath  was  taken,  and  the  body  of  Antonio  Maceo 
was  hidden,  for  disinterment  in  future  days.  The  body 
was  covered  with  blood.  General  Miro  dipped  his  hand- 
kerchief in  the  blood  that  had  come  from  the  open  veins, 
and  said :  "  Behold,  I  shall  keep  this  for  an  ensign,  to 
rally  the  people  if  their  faith  shall  falter.  He  embodied 
patriotism  and  loyalty,  and  this  blood  will  inspire  the 
patriot  to  fight  until  the  cause  for  which  he  fought  is 
gained." 

The  death  of  Jose  Maceo,  the  brother  in  blood  and  heart 
of  Antonio  Maceo,  was  almost  as  dramatic.  On  July  4, 
1897,  ne  an<3  his  staff  and  officers  had  celebrated  the  in- 
dependence of  the  United  States.  On  the  next  morning, 
setting  out  on  a  white  horse,  he  led  a  cavalry  charge.  He 
was  struck  in  the  breast  by  a  bullet,  and  was  taken  from 
his  horse.  He  was  borne  in  silence  to  the  town  of  Tiarrba, 
where  he  died.  His  death  proved  an  inspiration  to  the 
Cuban  soldiers.  They  won  a  victory  on  that  day  over  the 


HISTORY    OF   LIBERTY    IN    CUBA  239 

Spaniards,  who  lost  eighty  in  killed  and  two  hundred  and 
sixty  in  wounded. 

These  heroes  of  the  Cuban  cavalry  broke  the  trocha, 
which  had  been  deemed  invincible,  and  they  held  firmly  the 
cause  of  Cuban  independence  in  its  dark  and  wavering 
days.  They  were  like  bridges  over  which  an  army  passed 
to  liberty. 

What  was  the  personal  character  of  Antonio  Maceo,  who 
was  an  inspiration,  a  firebrand,  a  torch  in  these  stern 
times?  He  was  a  Toussaint,  and  not  a  Dessalines.  His 
heart  was  as  full  of  mercy  as  those  of  his  opponents  were 
full  of  cruelty.  His  appeal  to  the  people  of  the  United 
States  is  a  picture  of  his  nobleness  of  soul.  A  part  of  it 
reads  :  "  I  would  not  like  them  to  have  to  shed  American 
blood  for  our  liberty ;  we  are  capable  alone — provided  that 
within  the  laws  of  nations  we  can  obtain  all  the  elements 
which  we  need — to  expel  from  Cuba  the  ruined  power  of 
Spain  in  America.  What  only  troubles  me  are  the  victims 
which  the  Spaniards  make  of  poor  and  innocent  families, 
whom  they  assassinate  daily.  I  wish  that  in  this  sense  the 
Americans  would  interpose  their  good  offices  so  that  the 
Spanish  wild  beasts  will  cease  the  butchery  of  defenseless 
people.  For  the  sake  of  humanity  this  intervention  should 
be  favored  by  all  civilized  countries  and  nations  interested 
in  the  moral  and  material  progress  of  mankind." 

In  the  great  battle  of  Bayamo  (1895),  in  which  General 
Campos  was  defeated  with  great  loss,  Antonio  Maceo  was 
the  guiding  spirit  of  the  field.  Campos  hoped  to  shatter 
the  army  of  Maceo  and  kill  the  revolution.  In  the  en- 
gagement Campos  was  wounded,  and  his  principal  general, 
Santocildes,  killed.  At  a  shelter  near  Bayamo  there  were 
found  thirteen  Spanish  officers  dead.  Campos  himself 
escaped  by  the  stratagem  of  being  carried  away  with  the 
wounded  on  a  stretcher.  He  lost  three  hundred  men.  The 


240  SOUTH    AMERICA 

character  of  Maceo  was  shown  in  the  hour  of  his  victory 
over  the  representative  of  Spain.  He  sent  to  the  general 
the  following  letter: 

"  To  His  Excellency  the  General  Martinez  Campos. 

"  DEAR  SIR  :  Anxious  of  giving  careful  and  efficient 
attendance  to  the  wounded  Spanish  soldiers  that  your 
troops  left  behind  on  the  battle-field,  I  have  ordered  that 
they  be  lodged  in  the  houses  of  the  Cuban  families  that 
live  nearest  the  battle-ground,  until  you  send  for  them. 
With  my  assurance  that  the  forces  you  may  send  to  escort 
them  back  will  not  meet  any  hostile  demonstration  from 
my  soldiers,  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  sir, 

"  Yours  respectfully, 
(Signed)  "  ANTONIO  MACEO." 

As  noble  was  his  expostulation  with  General  Weyler 
when  the  latter  had  begun  to  develop  his  merciless  policy  : 

"What!  must  even  the  peaceful  inhabitants  (I  say 
nothing  of  the  wounded  and  prisoners  of  war)  be  sacrificed 
to  the  rage  that  gave  the  Duke  of  Alva  his  name  and 
fame?  Is  it  thus  that  Spain,  through  you,  returns  the 
clemency  and  kindness  which  we,  the  redeemers  of  this 
suffering  people,  have  exercised  in  like  circumstances? 
What  a  reproach  for  yourself  and  for  Spain!  The  license 
to  burn  the  huts,  assassinations  like  those  at  Nueva  Paz 
and  the  villa  El  Gato,  committed  by  Spanish  columns,  in 
particular  those  of  Colonels  Molina  and  Vicuna,  proclaim 
you  guilty  before  all  humankind ;  your  name  will  be  for- 
ever infamous,  here  and  far  from  here,  and  remembered 
with  disgust  and  horror! 

"  Out  of  humanity,  yielding  to  the  honorable  and  gen- 
erous impulses  which  are  identified  with  both  the  spirit  and 


HISTORY    OF   LIBERTY   IN    CUBA  241 

the  tendency  of  the  revolution,  I  shall  never  use  reprisals 
that  would  be  unworthy  of  the  reputation  and  the  power  of 
the  liberating  army  of  Cuba.  But  I,  nevertheless,  foresee 
that  such  abominable  conduct  on  your  part  and  on  that  of 
your  men  will  arouse  at  no  distant  time  private  vengeances 
to  which  they  will  fall  victims,  without  my  being  able  to 
prevent  it,  even  though  I  should  punish  hundreds  of  inno- 
cent persons. 

"  For  this  last  reason,  since  war  should  only  touch  com- 
batants, and  it  is  inhuman  to  make  others  suffer  from  its 
consequences,  I  invite  you  to  retrace  your  steps,  if  you 
admit  your  guilt,  or  to  repress  these  crimes  with  a  heavy 
hand,  if  they  were  committed  without  your  consent.  At 
all  events,  take  care  that  no  drop  of  blood  be  shed  outside 
of  the  battle-field.  Be  merciful  to  the  many  unfortunate 
peaceful  citizens.  In  so  doing  you  will  imitate  in  honora- 
ble emulation  our  conduct  and  our  proceedings. 

"  Yours, 

"A.  MACEO." 

As  noble  is  the  following  anecdote  given  by  an  Ameri- 
can writer :  "  On  one  occasion  twenty-six  Spanish  soldiers 
were  captured  in  a  small  engagement  near  Sagua.  They 
were  placed  in  line  in  front  of  the  headquarters  of  General 
Maceo,  and  when  the  chief  stepped  up  in  front  of  them 
they  expected  instant  death.  They  had  been  told  various 
stories  of  cruelty  by  their  officers,  and  the  limbs  of  every 
one,  with  the  exception  of  a  veteran  surgeon,  trembled 
with  fear.  '  Well,  there  is  one  of  two  things  for  you  fel- 
lows to  do,'  said  General  Maceo ;  '  you  can  either  stay  here 
or  go  back  to  your  own  people.  Now,  which  do  you  want 
to  do  ?  '  They  were  struck  dumb  with  astonishment,  and 
several  tried  to  kiss  the  hand  of  their  preserver.  They 
held  a  consultation  among  themselves.  The  surgeon  and 


242  SOUTH    AMERICA 

fifteen  of  the  soldiers  decided  they  would  return  to  their 
own  forces.  The  remaining  eleven  decided  to  join  the 
forces  of  the  rebels.  General  Maceo  paroled  the  former, 
after  writing  a  letter  explaining  to  the  Spanish  commander 
the  bravery  of  his  men,  and  how  they  had  been  compelled 
to  surrender.  He  then  sent  them  back  rejoicing,  accom- 
panied by  an  armed  escort,  carrying  a  flag  of  truce." 

Such  was  the  man  who  set  at  naught  the  trocha,  and 
swept  with  his  raiders  from  Santiago  to  the  mountains  of 
Pinar  del  Rio. 

The  following  is  a  list  of  the  leaders,  colored  and  white, 
who  faced  the  problem  the  solution  of  which  was,  at  last, 
to  make  Cuba  free: 

President  and  political  leader,  Jose  Marti,  white;  gen- 
eral-in-chief,  Maximo  Gomez,  white. 

First  division,  comprising  the  departments  of  Cuba, 
Guantanamo  and  Baracoa :  major-general,  Antonio  Maceo, 
colored ;  brigadier-general,  Jose  Maceo,  colored.  General 
officers:  Pedro  Perez,  white;  Quintin  Bandera,  colored; 
Alfonso  Goulet,  colored;  Felix  Ruen,  colored. 

Second  division,  comprising  the  departments  of  Man- 
zanillo,  Bayamo  and  Cauto:  major-general,  Bartolome 
Masso,  white ;  brigadier- general,  Jose  Rabi,  colored.  Gen- 
eral officers :  Amador  Guerra,  white ;  Jesus  Rabi,  colored ; 
Juan  Vega,  colored ;  Saturnine  Lora,  white. 

Third  division,  comprising  the  departments  of  Holguin, 
Magari,  Tunas  and  Guaimero :  major-general  (vacant) ; 
brigadier-general,  Francisco  Borrero,  white.  General  offi- 
cers :  Jose  Miro,  white ;  Luis  de .  Feria,  white ;  Angel 
Guerra,  white ;  N.  Marrero,  white. 

The  Hon.  Richard  Olney,  at  that  time  Secretary  of  State 
of  the  United  States,  wrote  to  President  Cleveland  on 
December  7,  1896,  of  this  pivotal  period  of  the  Cuban 
contest :  "  Confined  in  the  outset,  as  in  the  ten  years'  in- 


HISTORY   OF    LIBERTY    IN    CUBA  243 

surrection  which  began  at  Yara  in  October,  1868,  to  the 
eastern  portion  of  the  island,  where  the  topography  and 
absence  of  settled  centers  especially  favored  the  desultory 
warfare  apparently  normal  to  this  class  of  contests,  the 
present  insurrection  very  early  took  proportions  beyond 
those  of  its  predecessor,  and  therewith  assumed  an  aggres- 
sive phase,  invading  the  populous  central  and  western  dis- 
tricts. Passing  the  defensive  lines,  or  trochas,  traversing 
the  island  from  north  to  south,  formidable  bodies  of  the 
revolutionary  forces  early  in  the  year  established  themselves 
in  the  rich  sugar-planting  districts  of  Santa  Clara,  Cien- 
fuegos  and  Matanzas,  made  hostile  forays  almost  in  sight 
of  Havana  itself,  and  advancing  westward,  effected  a  lodg- 
ment in  the  fertile  tobacco- fields  of  Pinar  del  Rio,  which  has 
so  far  resisted  all  efforts  of  the  Spanish  forces  to  overcome. 

"  Although  statistics  of  their  military  strength  are 
attainable  with  difficulty,  and  are  not  always  trustworthy 
when  obtained,  enough  is  certainly  known  to  show  that  the 
revolutionists  in  the  field  greatly  exceed  in  numbers  any 
organization  heretofore  attempted ;  that  with  large  acces- 
sions from  the  central  and  western  districts  of  the  island  a 
better  military  discipline  is  added  to  increased  strength ; 
that  instead  of  mainly  drawing,  as  heretofore,  upon  the  com- 
paratively primitive  population  of  eastern  Cuba,  the  insur- 
gent armies  fairly  represent  the  intelligent  aspirations  of  a 
large  proportion  of  the  people  of  the  whole  island ;  and 
that  they  propose  to  wage  this  contest,  on  these  better 
grounds  of  advantage,  to  the  end,  and  to  make  the  present 
struggle  a  supreme  test  of  the  capacity  of  the  Cuban  people 
to  win  for  themselves  and  their  children  the  heritage  of 
self-government. 

"  A  notable  feature  of  the  actual  situation  is  the  tactical 
skill  displayed  by  its  leaders.  When  the  disparity  of  num- 
bers and  comparatively  indefensible  character  of  the  central 


244  SOUTH    AMERICA 

and  western  Vego  country  are  considered,  the  passage  of 
a  considerable  force  into  Pinar  del  Rio,  followed  by  its 
successful  maintenance  there  for  many  months,  must  be 
regarded  as  a  military  success  of  a  pronounced  character. 

"  So,  too,  the  Spanish  force  in  the  field,  in  garrison  on 
the  island,  or  on  its  way  thither  from  the  mother-country, 
is  largely  beyond  any  military  display  yet  called  for  by  a 
Cuban  rising,  thus  affording  an  independent  measure  of 
the  strength  of  the  insurrection. 

"  From  every  accessible  indication  it  is  clear  that  the 
present  rebellion  is  on  a  far  more  formidable  scale  as  to 
numbers,  intelligence  and  representative  features  than  any 
of  the  preceding  revolts  of  this  century ;  that  the  corre- 
sponding effort  of  Spain  for  its  repression  has  been  enor- 
mously augmented;  and  that,  despite  the  constant  influx 
of  fresh  armies  and  material  of  war  from  the  metropolis, 
the  rebellion,  after  nearly  two  years  of  successful  resis- 
tance, appears  to-day  to  be  in  a  condition  to  prolong  in- 
definitely the  contest  on  its  present  lines." 

On  the  evening  of  February  15,1 898,  a  terrible  event  oc- 
curred in  the  harbor  of  Havana.  The  shadows  of  nightfall 
had  gathered  upon  the  sea.  The  lights  of  the  whole  city 
glimmered  in  the  mild  air.  Suddenly  a  red  column  of  fire 
rose  into  the  darkness  and  sank  again.  A  rain  of  missiles 
fell  upon  the  water.  The  boatmen  near  the  column  of  fire 
had  heard  a  dull,  sullen  roar  in  the  sea,  as  though  the  bed  of 
the  water  had  been  earthquake-riven.  The  column  of  fire 
had  revealed  the  white  ship  from  which  it  had  seemed  to 
proceed.  It  was  a  United  States  war- vessel,  the  Maine. 
Immediately  the  sea  was  filled  with  dying  men.  Two  hun- 
dred and  sixty-six  officers  and  sailors  perished.  The 
ship  had  gone  there,  to  a  friendly  port,  for  the  protection  of 
American  citizens.  She  had  doubtless  been  blown  up 
by  a  secret  mine  exploded  by  conspiracy  or  accident. 


HISTORY    OF    LIBERTY    IN    CUBA  245 


The  Spanish  officials  in  the  harbor  who  saw  the  column  of 
flame  rise  into  the  darkness  could  hardly  have  felt  the 
prophetic  import  of  the  event.  The  destruction  of  the 
proud  battle-ship  was  to  reveal  to  the  American  mind  cen- 
turies of  cruelty,  injustice  and  wrong.  It  was  to  lead 
America,  as  with  one  voice,  to  demand  that  in  the  name 
of  humanity  and  liberty  the  oppressions  of  Spain  on  the 
continent  should  forever  cease.  The  judgment-  day  of 
three  centuries  was  in  it.  Whose  hand  exploded  the  mine 
none  know  or  ever  will  know,  but  the  world  saw  in  the 
explosion  a  resemblance  to  the  deeds  of  the  past.  That 
column  of  flame,  like  a  candle  of  destiny,  made  the  past 
clear  again,  and  aroused  the  human  will  to  decide  that  in 
the  future  such  things  should  not  be.  From  that  dark 
death  of  the  martyrs  of  the  Maine  began  an  inquiry  that 
gained  the  cause  of  all  the  Cuban  patriots  who  fought  for 
liberty.  The  Maine  sank  helplessly  in  the  still  waters  ;  but 
the  sunrise  of  freedom  came  in  the  morning.  The  hour 
of  the  fate  of  the  Maine  was  that  of  the  end  of  the  Spanish 
empire  in  the  western  world. 


CHAPTER  XXV 

PORTO  RICO 

"  F)ORTO  RICO,"  says  an  old  writer,  "is  one  of  the 
1  coolest  and  healthiest  parts  of  the  West  Indies."  It 
is  also  one  of  the  most  populous  islands  of  the  Spanish 
Main.  The  larger  part  of  the  inhabitants  are  Creoles. 
This  new  possession  of  the  United  States  is  likely  to  be- 
come one  of  the  sea-gardens  for  the  people  of  North 
America. 

It  is  an  island  of  beauty.  One  of  the  most  interesting 
and  suggestive  of  American  legends  is  associated  with  the 
ruined  palace  of  Ponce  de  Leon,  which  is  still  to  be  seen 
at  San  Juan.  This  poet-mariner  and  companion  of  Colum- 
bus had  heard  of  Bimini,  a  fabled  island  in  the  new  Span- 
ish Main,  which  contained  a  fountain  of  magical  influence, 
the  waters  of  which  would  cause  one  to  live  in  perpetual 
youth.  He  was  growing  old,  and  went  in  search  of  this 
fountain  in  the  sunny  waters.  He  found  Florida.  He  was 
made  governor  of  Porto  Rico,  and  built  a  palace  there. 

The  island  is  rectangular  in  shape.  It  is  about  a  hun- 
dred miles  long  and  fifty  wide,  traversed  by  a  range  of 
mountains,  one  peak  of  which  rises  3670  feet  above  the 
sea.  It  is  nature's  own  land  of  sugar,  coffee,  tobacco  and 
tropical  fruits.  The  cattle  and  sheep  raised  there  are  said 
to  be  superior.  The  island  is  comparatively  free  from 
noxious  vermin. 

246 


PORTO    RICO  247 

The  people  of  Porto  Rico  caught  the  spirit  of  Simon 
Bolivar,  and,  in  1820,  made  an  attempt  to  throw  off  the 
Spanish  yoke,  and  to  follow  the  example  of  the  South 
American  patriots.  The  republican  movement  was  crushed 
in  1823.  Spanish  supremacy  was  reestablished  more  rig- 
idly than  before.  Slavery  was  abolished  in  1873,  and  also 
the  mita. 

In  1870  Porto  Rico  was  made  a  province  of  Spain,  and 
was  allowed  a  representative  government. 

The  climate  has  two  seasons,  the  wet  and  the  dry.  The 
dry  months  are  healthful,  and  are  the  time  when  the  for- 
eign visitor  may  live  there  without  danger  from  mala- 
rious fevers.  They  begin  with  November  and  end  in 
April.  The  mean  heat  in  summer  is  about  80° ;  in  winter 
about  70°. 

The  hills  of  palms  abound  with  coffee-plantations,  the 
valleys  with  sugar-farms  and  fruit-orchards,  and  the  pas- 
tures are  famous  for  succulent  grasses. 

The  island  has  470  miles  of  telegraph  lines  and  137 
miles  of  railway.  San  Juan  is  the  capital.  Its  harbor  has 
an  entrance  2000  feet  wide,  and  is  overlooked  by  a  Morro 
or  Moorish  castle.  The  city  is  built  on  a  coral  reef.  It 
is  connected  with  the  mainland  by  a  picturesque  bridge. 

The  population  of  the  island  in  1887  was  798,565.  Of 
these  474,923  were  white.  The  population  of  San  Juan  is 
26,000;  that  of  Ponce  is  about  15,000. 

The  Porto  Ricans  hailed  with  rejoicing  the  coming  of 
the  American  flag  of  liberation.  The  island  became  a 
part  of  the  republic  of  the  United  States  on  August  12, 
1898,  at  the  time  of  signing  the  famous  protocol.  By  so 
doing  the  hopes  of  the  patriots  of  1820,  with  which  they 
had  been  inspired  by  the  victorious  march  of  Bolivar, 
have  been  happily  realized. 


CHAPTER  XXVI 

THE  SOUTH  AMERICAN  ORATORS— THE  ORATIONS  OF 
BOLIVAR— THE  FAREWELL  OF  SAN  MARTIN 

BOLIVAR  was  the  orator  as  well  as  the  Liberator  of 
South  America.  We  give  here  some  specimens  of  his 
grand  oratory. 

A  general  assembly  of  the  Venezuelans,  held  at  Mar- 
garita, had  appointed  Bolivar  "  Supreme  Chief,"  with 
dictatorial  powers.  In  the  war  which  followed  he  was 
victorious.  He  conquered  the  Spaniards  and  secured  the 
independence  of  Venezuela.  Having  accomplished  that,  he 
convened  a  congress,  which  assembled  at  Angostura,  Janu- 
ary, 1819.  To  that,  composed  of  the  direct  representa- 
tives of  the  people,  he  resigned  his  powers  as  Dictator. 
In  doing  so  he  said : 

"  GENTLEMEN  :  I  account  myself  one  of  the  beings 
most  favored  by  divine  Providence  in  having  the  honor  of 
reuniting  the  representatives  of  Venezuela  in  this  august 
congress,  the  only  source  of  legitimate  authority,  the  de- 
posit of  the  sovereign  will,  and  the  arbiter  of  the  nation's 
fate. 

"  In  delivering  back  to  the  representatives  of  the  people 
the  supreme  power  intrusted  to  me,  I  satisfy  the  desires  of 
my  own  heart,  and  calm  the  fears  of  my  fellow-citizens 
and  of  future  generations,  who  hope  everything  from  your 

248 


THE    SOUTH    AMERICAN    ORATORS  249 

wisdom,  rectitude  and  prudence.  In  fulfilling  this  de- 
lightful duty,  I  free  myself  from  the  boundless  authority 
which  oppresses  me,  and  also  from  the  unlimited  respon- 
sibility which  weighs  on  my  feeble  hands. 

"  An  imperative  necessity,  united  to  a  strongly  expressed 
desire  on  the  part  of  the  people,  could  alone  have  induced 
me  to  assume  the  dreadful  and  dangerous  charge  of  Dicta- 
tor, Supreme  Chief  of  the  Republic,  Now,  however,  I  desire 
to  return  the  authority  which,  with  so  great  risk,  difficulty 
and  toil,  I  have  maintained  amid  as  horrible  calamities  as 
ever  afflicted  a  social  body. 

"  In  the  epoch  during  which  I  presided  over  the  repub- 
lic, it  was  not  merely  a  political  storm  that  raged,  in  a 
sanguinary  war,  in  a  time  of  popular  anarchy,  but  the 
tempest  of  the  desert,  a  whirlwind  of  every  disorganized 
element,  the  bursting  of  an  infernal  torrent,  that  over- 
whelmed the  land  of  Venezuela.  A  man,— and  such  a 
man  as  I  am !  — what  bounds,  what  resistance  could  he 
oppose  to  such  furious  devastation?  Amid  that  sea  of 
woes  and  afflictions  I  was  nothing  more  than  the  miserable 
sport  of  the  revolutionary  hurricane,  driven  to  and  fro  like 
the  wild  bird  of  the  ocean.  I  could  do  neither  good  nor 
evil ;  an  irresistible  power  above  all  human  control  directed 
the  march  of  our  fortunes ;  and  for  me  to  pretend  to  have 
been  the  prime  mover  of  the  events  which  have  taken  place 
would  be  unjust,  and  would  be  attaching  to  myself  an 
importance  I  do  not  merit.  Do  you  desire  to  know  the 
sources  from  which  those  occurrences  took  their  rise,  and 
the  origin  of  our  present  situation  ?  Consult  the  annals  of 
Spain,  of  America  and  of  Venezuela ;  examine  the  laws  of 
the  Indies,  the  conduct  of  your  ancient  governors,  the 
influence  of  religion  and  of  foreign  dominion  ;  observe  the 
first  acts  of  the  republican  government,  the  ferocity  of  our 
enemies,  and  the  national  character.  I  again  repeat  that  I 


250  SOUTH    AMERICA 

cannot  consider  myself  more  than  the  mere  instrument  of 
the  great  causes  which  have  acted  on  our  country.  My 
life,  my  conduct  and  all  my  actions,  public  and  private,  are, 
however,  before  the  people,  and,  representatives,  it  is  your 
duty  to  judge  them.  I  submit  to  your  impartial  decision 
the  manner  in  which  I  have  executed  my  command,  and 
nothing  will  I  add  to  excuse.  I  have  already  said  enough 
as  an  apology.  Should  I  merit  your  approbation,  I  shall 
have  acquired  the  sublime  title  of  a  good  citizen,  preferred 
by  me  to  that  of  Liberator,  bestowed  on  me  by  Venezuela ; 
to  that  of  Pacificator,  given  me  by  Cundinamarca ;  and  to 
all  others  the  universe  could  confer. 

"  Legislators !  I  deposit  in  your  hands  the  supreme 
command  of  Venezuela,  and  it  is  now  your  high  duty  to 
consecrate  yourselves  to  the  felicity  of  the  republic.  In 
your  hands  rests  the  balance  of  our  destiny  and  the  means 
of  our  glory.  You  will  confirm  the  decrees  which  estab- 
lish our  liberty. 

"  The  supreme  chief  of  the  republic  is,  at  this  moment, 
nothing  more  than  a  simple  citizen,  and  such  he  wishes  to 
remain  until  his  latest  hour.  He  will,  however,  serve  with 
the  armies  of  Venezuela  as  long  as  an  army  treads  her 
soil." 

Bolivar  surveyed  the  republics  of  the  past,  and  pictured 
their  rise  and  fall  with  masterly  eloquence.  He  continued : 

"  Legislators !  This  is  the  proper  time  for  repeating 
what  the  eloquent  Volney  says,  in  his  dedication  to  the 
'  Ruins  of  Palmyra ' :  '  To  the  growing  people  of  the 
Spanish  Indies,  to  the  generous  chiefs  who  conduct  them  to 
liberty !  May  the  errors  and  misfortunes  of  the  Old  World 
teach  wisdom  and  happiness  to  the  New ! '  May  they  never 
lose  themselves,  but  profit  by  the  lessons  of  experience 
given  in  the  schools  of  Greece,  of  Rome,  of  France,  of 
England  and  of  America,  and  be  instructed  by  them  in  the 


THE    SOUTH    AMERICAN    ORATORS  251 

difficult  science  of  establishing  and  preserving  nations  with 
proper,  just,  legitimate,  and,  above  all,  useful  laws,  never 
forgetting  that  the  excellency  of  a  government  does  not 
consist  in  theory,  form  or  mechanism,  but  in  being  fitted 
to  the  nature  and  character  of  the  people  for  which  it  was 
instituted." 

The  speech  ended  with  this  grand  peroration : 

"  Flying  from  present  and  approaching  times,  my 
imagination  plunges  into  future  ages,  in  which  I  observe, 
with  admiration  and  amazement,  the  prosperity,  the 
splendor  and  the  animation  which  this  vast  region  will 
have  acquired.  My  ideas  are  wafted  on,  and  I  see  my 
beloved  nation  in  the  center  of  the  universe,  expanding 
herself  on  her  extensive  coasts  between  those  oceans  which 
nature  had  separated,  and  which  our  country  will  have 
united  with  large  and  capacious  canals.  I  see  her  the 
bond,  the  center  and  the  emporium  of  the  human  race.  I 
see  her  transmitting  to  earth's  remotest  bounds  those  trea- 
sures contained  in  her  mountains  of  gold  and  silver.  I  see 
her  distributing,  by  her  salutiferous  plants,  health  and  life 
to  the  afflicted  of  the  Old  World.  I  see  her  imparting  to 
the  sages  of  other  regions  her  inestimable  secrets,  ignorant 
until  then  how  much  her  height  of  knowledge  transcends 
her  excessive  wealth.  Yes !  I  see  her  seated  on  the  throne 
of  freedom,  wielding  the  scepter  of  justice,  and  crowned 
with  glory,  showing  the  Old  World  the  majesty  of  the  New. 

"  Legislators !  Condescend  to  receive  with  indulgence 
the  declaration  of  my  political  creed,  the  highest  wishes  of 
my  heart,  and  the  earnest  petition  which,  in  the  name  of 
the  people,  I  have  dared  to  address  to  you. 

"  Vouchsafe  to  grant  to  Venezuela  a  government  purely 
popular,  purely  just  and  purely  moral,  which  will  enchain 
oppression,  anarchy  and  crime ;  a  government  which  will 
cause  innocency,  philanthropy  and  peace  to  reign ;  a  gov- 


252  SOUTH   AMERICA 

ernment  which,  under  the  dominion  of  inexorable  laws, 
will  cause  equality  and  liberty  to  triumph. 

"  Gentlemen !  Commence  your  duties ;  I  have  finished 
mine. 

"  The  Congress  of  the  republic  of  Venezuela  is  installed. 
In  it  from  this  moment  is  centered  the  national  sover- 
eignty. We  all  owe  to  it  obedience  and  fidelity.  My 
sword,  and  those  of  my  illustrious  fellows  in  arms,  will 
maintain  its  august  authority.  God  save  the  Congress!" 

The  speech  electrified  the  Congress.  The  Liberator 
followed  it  by  presenting  to  the  Congress  the  new  consti- 
tution. "  Viva  el  Congreso  de  Venezuela!  "  rang  through 
the  halls,  which  shout  was  echoed  by  the  artillery.  A 
President  pro  tern,  was  elected,  Francisco  A.  Zea.  Boli- 
var then  rose  and  took  the  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  written 
law  of  the  people.  He  placed  the  President  pro  tem.  in 
the  seat  that  he  as  Dictator  had  just  vacated,  and  said : 

"  Generals,  chiefs  and  officers,  my  companions  in  arms, 
we  are  no  more  than  simple  citizens  till  the  Sovereign  Con- 
gress pleases  to  employ  us  in  the  class  and  rank  which 
it  may  think  proper.  Relying  on  your  submission,  I  am 
going  to  give,  in  my  name  and  yours,  the  most  evident 
proofs  of  our  obedience,  by  surrendering  to  it  the  command 
with  which  I  was  charged." 

On  saying  this  he  approached  the  President  of  the  Con- 
gress, and  presenting  his  general's  baton,  he  continued: 
"  I  return  to  the  republic  the  baton  of  general  which  she 
conferred  on  me.  To  serve  her,  in  whatever  rank  or  class 
to  which  the  Congress  destines  me,  is  for  me  honorable ; 
in  it  I  will  give  the  example  of  subordination  and  kind 
obedience,  which  should  distinguish  every  soldier  of  the 
republic!" 

The  next  day  the  Liberator  was  elected  President  of  the 
republic. 


THE    SOUTH    AMERICAN    ORATORS  253 

One  of  the  greatest  of  the  orations  of  Bolivar  was  deliv- 
ered in  the  south  after  the  organization  of  the  republic  of 
Bolivia.  It  was  addressed  to  the  Congress  of  Bolivia. 

"  Legislators !  In  offering  the  project  of  a  constitution 
for  Bolivia,  I  feel  overwhelmed  with  confusion  and  timid- 
ity, being  convinced  of  my  incapacity  to  make  laws. 
When  I  consider  that  the  wisdom  of  whole  centuries  is 
insufficient  to  compose  a  fundamental  law  which  shall  be 
perfect,  and  that  the  most  enlightened  legislator  is  perhaps 
the  immediate  cause  of  human  unhappiness,  and,  if  I  may 
so  express  myself,  the  dupe  of  his  divine  ministry,  what 
may  not  be  said  of  a  soldier  born  among  slaves  and  buried 
in  the  deserts  of  his  country,  having  seen  nothing  but  cap- 
tives in  chains,  and  companions  in  arms  to  break  them  ?  .  .  . 

"  I  have  summoned  all  my  powers  of  mind  for  the  pur- 
pose of  submitting  to  you  my  opinions  respecting  the  blest 
method  of  managing  free  men  according  to  the  principles 
adopted  by  civilized  nations,  although  the  lessons  of  experi- 
ence exhibit  only  long  periods  of  disaster  checkered  by 
some  glimpses  of  good  fortune.  What  guides  can  we  fol- 
low in  the  shade  of  such  dark  examples? 

"Legislators!  Your  duty  calls  on  you  to  resist  the 
shock  of  two  monstrous  enemies  who  mutually  combat 
each  other,  and  who  will  both  attack  you  at  one  and  the 
same  time.  .  .  .  Tyranny  and  anarchy  form  an  immense 
ocean  of  oppression,  rolling  round  a  small  isle  of  liberty, 
perpetually  beaten  by  the  violence  of  the  waves  and  by  the 
hurricanes  which  incessantly  threaten  its  submersion.  Such 
is  the  sea  on  which  you  are  about  to  launch,  in  a  frail  bark, 
with  a  pilot  so  inexperienced.  .  .  . 

"  Legislators !  From  this  day  forward  liberty  will  be 
indestructible  in  America.  You  see  that  the  savage 
nature  of  this  continent  is  of  itself  sufficient  to  repel  the 
monarchical  form  of  government.  Deserts  are  favorable  to 


254  SOUTH   AMERICA 

independence.  Here  we  have  no  grandees,  either  aristo- 
cratical  or  ecclesiastical.  Our  riches  are  but  inconsidera- 
ble, and  now  they  are  reduced  in  a  still  greater  degree. 
Though  the  church  enjoys  some  influence,  she  is  far  from 
aspiring  to  dominion,  being  satisfied  with  her  own  preser- 
vation. Without  such  supports  tyrants  never  remain  per- 
manent, and  if  some  ambitious  men  should  engage  in 
raising  empires  for  themselves,  the  fate  of  Dessalines, 
Christophe  and  Iturbide  will  warn  them  of  what  they 
have  to  expect.  No  power  finds  greater  difficulty  to 
maintain  itself  than  that  of  a  new  Prince  Bonaparte,  who, 
having  vanquished  so  many  armies,  could  not  succeed  in 
overcoming  this  rule,  which  is  stronger  than  empires.  And 
if  the  great  Napoleon  was  unable  to  maintain  himself 
against  the  league  of  republicans  and  aristocrats,  who  may 
hope  to  found  monarchies  in  America,  in  a  soil  warmed  and 
illuminated  by  the  bright  flames  of  liberty,  in  a  soil  which 
consumes  the  materials  used  for  erecting  these  legal  plat- 
forms? No,  legislators!  Fear  not  any  pretenders  or 
aspirants  to  crowns.  To  them  the  diadem  would  be  what 
the  hair-suspended  falchion  was  over  the  head  of  Dionysius. 
Those  upstart  princes,  who  are  so  blind  as  to  raise  thrones 
on  the  ruins  of  liberty,  are  erecting  their  own  sepulchral 
monuments,  which  will  announce  to  future  generations 
that  they  preferred  their  infatuated  ambition  to  liberty  and 
glory.  .  .  . 

"  Legislators !  Slavery  is  the  infringement  of  all  laws. 
A  law  having  a  tendency  to  preserve  slavery  would  be  the 
grossest  sacrilege.  What  right  can  be  alleged  in  favor  of 
its  continuance?  In  whatever  view  this  crime  is  consid- 
ered, I  am  persuaded  that  there  is  not  a  single  Bolivian  in 
existence  so  depraved  as  to  pretend  that  such  a  signal  vio- 
lation of  the  dignity  of  man  can  be  legalized.  Man  to  be 
possessed  by  his  fellow-man ;  man  to  be  made  a  property 


THE    SOUTH    AMERICAN    ORATORS  255 

of!  The  image  of  the  Deity  to  be  put  under  the  yoke! 
Let  these  usurpers  of  man  show  us  their  title-deeds.  No 
one  can  break  asunder  the  sacred  dogma  of  equality ;  and 
is  slavery  to  exist  where  equality  reigns?  Such  contradic- 
tions would  rather  impugn  our  reason  than  our  justice. 
We  should  then  be  deemed  insane  rather  than  usurpers. 

"  Legislators !  I  shall  make  mention  of  an  article  which 
in  my  conscience  I  ought  to  have  omitted.  No  religious 
creed  or  profession  should  be  prescribed  in  a  political  con- 
stitution, for,  according  to  the  best  doctrines  concerning 
fundamental  laws,  these  are  the  guaranties  of  civil  and 
political  rights ;  and  as  religion  touches  none  of  those 
rights,  she  is  in  her  nature  not  to  be  defined  in  the  social 
order,  and  belongs  to  an  intellectual  morality.  Religion 
governs  man  at  home,  in  the  cabinet,  and  in  his  own 
bosom,  within  himself;  she  alone  has  a  right  to  examine 
his  most  secret  conscience.  The  laws,  on  the  contrary, 
consider  and  view  the  exterior  of  things ;  they  govern  only 
out  of  doors,  and  not  within  the  houses  of  citizens.  Apply- 
ing these  considerations,  how  can  the  state  rule  the  con- 
sciences of  its  subjects,  watch  over  the  fulfilment  of  religion, 
and  reward  or  punish,  when  the  tribunals  of  all  those  mat- 
ters are  in  heaven,  and  when  God  is  the  Judge  ?  As  all  this 
belongs  to  divine  jurisdiction,  it  strikes  me  at  first  sight 
as  sacrilegious  and  profane  to  mix  up  our  ordinances  with 
the  commandments  of  the  Lord.  It  therefore  belongs  not 
to  the  legislator  to  prescribe  religion;  for  the  legislator 
must  impose  penalties  on  the  infringements  of  the  laws,  to 
avoid  their  becoming  merely  expressions  of  counsel  and 
advice.  When  there  are  neither  temporal  penalties,  nor 
judges  to  inflict  them,  the  law  ceases  to  be  law. 

"  Legislators !  What  generous  and  sublime  thoughts 
must  fill  your  souls  when  you  see  the  new  Bolivian  nation 
already  proclaimed !  The  accession  of  a  new  state  to  the 


256  SOUTH   AMERICA 

society  of  those  already  existing  forms  a  just  subject  of 
exultation  for  mankind,  as  it  augments  the  great  family  of 
nations.  What  then  must  be  the  exultation  of  its  founders, 
and  my  own,  seeing  myself  placed  on  a  level  with  the  most 
celebrated  sages  of  antiquity,  with  the  founder  of  the  Eter- 
nal City !  This  glory  by  right  appertains  to  the  institutors 
of  nations,  who,  being  their  first  benefactors,  must  have 
received  immortal  rewards ;  but  mine,  besides  its  immor- 
tality, possesses  the  merit  of  being  gratuitous,  not  having 
been  deserved.  Where  is  the  city,  where  is  the  republic 
which  I  have  founded  ?  Your  munificence  in  dedicating  a 
nation  to  me  has  surpassed  all  my  services,  and  is  infinitely 
superior  to  all  the  good  which  men  can  do  to  you. 

"  My  despair  increases  when  I  contemplate  the  immen- 
sity of  your  reward;  for  even  had  I  concentrated  the 
talents,  virtues,  and  the  very  genius  of  the  greatest  of 
heroes,  I  should  be  nevertheless  unworthy  of  the  name 
which  you  have  chosen  to  give  yourselves,  my  own  name ! 
Shall  I  talk  of  gratitude  when  that  sentiment  cannot  other- 
wise than  feebly  express  what  I  experience  from  your  good- 
ness, which,  like  the  divine  goodness,  passes  all  limits? 
Yes;  God  alone  had  the  power  of  naming  this  country 
Bolivia.  .  .  .  What  means  the  word  '  Bolivia  '  ?  A  bound- 
less love  of  liberty,  at  the  receiving  of  which  your  enthu- 
siasm saw  nothing  equal  to  its  value.  Your  ecstasy,  finding 
no  demonstration  adequate  to  the  vehemence  of  your  feel- 
ings, extinguished  your  own  name,  and  gave  mine  to 
yourselves  and  all  your  posterity.  This  has  no  parallel 
in  the  history  of  the  world.  It  is  unexampled  in  the 
records  of  sublime  magnanimity.  So  great  an  action  will 
show  to  after  times,  which  exist  in  the  mind  of  the  Eter- 
nal, that  you  aspired  to  the  possession  of  your  rights, 
which  consist  in  the  power  of  exercising  your  political  vir- 
tues, in  the  acquisition  of  luminous  talents,  and  in  the 


THE    SOUTH    AMERICAN    ORATORS  257 

enjoyment  of  being  men.  This  noble  deed,  I  repeat  it, 
will  prove  that  you  are  entitled  to  obtain  the  grand  bless- 
ing of  Heaven,  the  sovereignty  of  the  people,  the  only 
legitimate  authority  of  nations." 

General  Martin's  proclamation  on  resigning  his  office 
recalls  Lincoln's  address  at  Gettysburg.  Its  very  simpli- 
city is  eloquent;  events  are  in  every  sentence.  Nothing 
could  be  more  dramatic  than  the  words :  "  I  hold  in  my 
possession  the  standard  which  Pizarro  brought  to  enslave 
the  empire  of  the  Incas."  The  proclamation  is  as  follows : 

"  I  have  witnessed  the  declaration  of  independence  of 
the  states  of  Chili  and  Peru.  I  hold  in  my  possession  the 
standard  which  Pizarro  brought  to  enslave  the  empire  of 
the  Incas.  I  have  ceased  to  be  a  public  man.  Thus  I  am 
more  than  rewarded  for  ten  years  spent  in  revolution  and 
warfare.  My  promises  to  the  countries  in  which  I  warred 
are  fulfilled — to  make  them  independent  and  leave  to  their 
will  the  elections  of  the  governments. 

"  The  presence  of  a  fortunate  soldier,  however  disinter- 
ested he  may  be,  is  dangerous  to  newly  constituted  states. 
I  am  also  disgusted  with  hearing  that  I  wish  to  make 
myself  a  sovereign.  Nevertheless,  I  shall  always  be  ready 
to  make  the  last  sacrifice  for  the  liberty  of  the  country,  but 
in  the  class  of  the  private  individual,  and  no  other. 

"With  respect  to  my  public  conduct,  my  compatriots 
(as  is  generally  the  case)  will  be  divided  in  their  opinions. 
Their  children  will  pronounce  the  true  verdict. 

"Peruvians!  I  leave  your  national  representation 
established.  If  you  repose  implicit  confidence  in  it,  you 
will  triumph.  If  not,  anarchy  will  swallow  you  up. 

"  May  success  preside  over  your  destinies,  and  may  they 
be  crowned  with  felicity  and  peace!" 


APPENDIX 

ARBITRATION   IN   SOUTH  AMERICA 

1.  The  United  States  and  New  Granada  in  1857. 

2.  The  United  States  and  Chili  in  1858.     Claim  of  compensation  for  silver 
bars  and  coin  taken  by  a  Chilian  admiral  from  an  American  citizen.     Re- 
ferred to  the  King  of  the  Belgians,  whose  award  sustained  the  American 
claims. 

3.  The  United  States  and  Paraguay  in  1859.     Referred  to  a  commission, 
whose  award  was  duly  given. 

4.  The  United  States  and  New  Granada.     Pecuniary  claims.     Referred 
to  a  commission. 

5.  Great  Britain  and  Brazil  in  1863.    Imprisonment  of  British  naval  officers. 
Referred  to  the  King  of  the  Belgians,  Leopold  I., who  decided  that  the  action 
of  Brazil  was  justified  by  circumstances. 

6.  The  United  States  and  Peru  in  1863.     Alleged  illegal  capture  of  ships. 
Referred  in  one  instance  to  the  King  of  the  Belgians,  and  in  another  to  a 
commission. 

7.  Great  Britain  and  Peru  in  1864.     The  Senate  of  Hamburg  arbitrated 
on  claim   for  compensation  on  account  of  the  alleged  false  imprisonment 
and  banishment  from  Peru  of  a  British  subject,  and  decided  that  the  claim 
was  based  upon  a  partial  and  exaggerated  statement,  and  was  entirely  inad- 
missible. 

8.  The  United  States  of  Colombia  and  Ecuador  in  1864.     Referred  to  a 
citizen  of  each  state  (Ecuador  and  Colombia),  who,  with  an  umpire  or  arbi- 
trator, should  undertake  "  the  mutual  adjustment  of  claims,"  which  was  done 
successfully. 

9.  The  United  States  and  Venezuela  in  1866.     Claims  by  citizens  of  the 
United  States  against  the  government  of  Venezuela.     Referred  to  a  com- 
mission.    Award  in  favor  of  the  former. 

10.  The  United  States  and  Peru  in  1868. 

11.  The  United  States  and  Brazil  in  1870. 

12.  Japan  and  Peru  in  1872.     Seizure  of  the  bark  Maria,  Sury,  engaged 

259 


260  APPENDIX 

in  the  coolie  trade,  and  the  liberation  of  those  on  board.     Referred  to  the 
Emperor  of  Russia,  whose  decision  was  in  favor  of  Japan. 

13.  Great  Britain  and  Brazil  in  1873.     Dundonald  claims.     Referred  to 
the  United  States  and  Italian  ministers  at  Rio.     Gross  amount  of  award 
against  Brazilian  government  nearly  ^£40,000. 

14.  Chili  and  Colombia  in  1880.     Dispute  relative  to  the  transportation  of 
arms  for  Peru  across  the  Isthmus  of  Panama.     Referred  to  the  President 
of  the  United  States. 

15.  Chili  and  Argentine  Republic  (about  the  Straits  of  Magellan  and  their 
land  boundaries)  in  1881.     Referred  to  the  United  States  ministers  to  those 
countries.     Boundaries  settled,  Straits  of  Magellan  neutralized. 

1 6.  Great  Britain  and  Chili  in  1884  (about  damages  incurred  by  their  sub- 
jects in  the  war  between  Chili  and  Peru).     Referred  to  a  commission  con- 
sisting of  three  members,  one  to  be  nominated  by  the  Emperor  of  Brazil. 

17.  France  and  Chili.     Similar  claims.     Referred  to  a  similar  commis- 
sion. 

1 8.  Italy  and  Chili.     Similar  claims.     Referred  to  a  similar  commission. 

19.  In  1889,  between  Brazil,  La  Plata  and  the  Argentine  Republic.     A 
question  of  boundary.     Referred  to  President  Harrison  of  the  United  States, 
whose  decision  was  accepted. 

For  the  benefit  of  those  who  wish  to  pursue  the  study  of  this  subject  more 
in  detail,  I  append  the  following  list  of  books  and  authors. 

"Agriculture    in    South    America,"  "  Andes  and  Amazon,"  Orton. 

Almond  Barns.     Published  by  the  "South      America"       (illustrated), 

Department  of  Agriculture,  Wash-       Macoy. 

ington.  "  Equatorial  Forests,"  Stuart. 

"  Bureau  of  South  American  Repub-  "  Cuba  and  Porto  Rico,"  Trumbull. 

lies,"  State  Department,  Washing-  "  Wanderings    in    South   America," 

ton.  Waterton. 

"  Antiquities,"  Wright.  "Colonial  History  of  South  Amer- 
"  Life    of    William    Wheelwright,"       ica,"  Markham. 

Alberdi.  "  Spanish  and  Portuguese  South 
"  South  American  Trade,"  Balcazar.  America  during  the  Colonial  Pe- 
"  Equatorial  America,"  Ballou.  riod,"  Watson. 

"  South  American  Travel,"  Baxley.  "  San  Martin,"  Mitre.  » 

"  A  Thousand  Miles'  Walk,"  Bishop.  "  America  Poetica." 

"  Spanish- American          Republics,"  "  Mexican     and     South     American 

Child.  Poems." 

"  Visit  to  South  America,"  Clark.  "  The  Neglected  Continent,"  Guiness. 

"  Tropical  America,"  Ford.  "  Notes  of  a  Naturalist,"  Ball. 

"  Life  and  Nature  under  the  Tropics,"  "  Life  in  the  Argentine,"  Sarmiento. 

Myers.  Translated  by  Mrs.  Horace  Mann. 


APPENDIX 


26l 


Bartolome*  de  las  Casas. 

Garcilasso  de  la  Vega. 

"  Peru,"  Markham. 

"  L'Empire  des  Incas,"  Wiener. 

"  Rites  and  Laws  of  the  Incas," 
Markham. 

"  War  between  Chili  and  Peru," 
Markham. 

"  Conquest  of  Peru,"  Prescott. 

"  Myths  of  the  New  World,"  Brinton. 

"  Peruvian  Antiquities." 

Helps. 

"  Fables  and  Rites  of  the  Incas,"  Mo- 
lina. 

Sarmiento. 

"  History  of  America,"  Robertson. 

"Travels  in  Peru,"  Temple. 

"  South  American  Republics,"  Curtis. 

"  Antiquarian  Researches  in  New 
Granada,  Ecuador,  Peru  and  Chili, " 
Bollaert. 

"  Ornaments  from  the  Huacas 
(Tombs),"  Bryce  M.  Wright. 

"  South  America,"  Humboldt. 

"Basil  Hall's  Journal." 

"  From  China  to  Peru,"  Howard 
Vincent. 

"  South  America,"  Niles. 

"  Between  the  Amazon  and  the  An- 
des," Mulhall. 

"  From  Lima  to  Peru  and  down  the 
Amazon,"  Smith. 

"  Up  the  Amazon,"  Mathews. 

"The  Arbitration  of  the  United 
States,"  Professor  Moore. 

Documents  relating  to  President  John 
Q.  Adams's  message  in  regard  to 
the  conventions  in  South  America 
(in  1825). 

Official  reports  of  International 
American  Congress  (1889-90). 

"  History  of  Don  F.  Miranda's  At- 
tempt to  Effect  a  Revolution  in 
South  America,"  James  Briggs. 


"  Memoirs  of  Simon   Bolivar,"   Du- 

coudray-Holstein. 
Mosquera. 

"  Life  of  Bolivar,"  Felipe  Larrazabal. 
"Narrative  and  Critical  History  of 

America,"  edited  by  Winsor. 
"  North  American  Review,"  January, 

1829. 

PRESIDENTS   OF  COLOMBIA 

1819.   Bolivar. 

1831-32.  Jose"  Maria  Obando. 
1 832-37.  General  Santander. 
1837-41.  Jose"  Ignacio  Marquez. 
1841-45.   Pedro  Alcantara  Herran. 
1845-49.  General  Mosquera. 
1849-52.  General  Lopez. 
1 854-55-  Jose*  Maria  Obando. 
1857-61.   Marino  Ospina. 
1861-64.  General  Mosquera. 
1864-66.   Manuel  Murillo-Toro. 
1866-67.  General  Mosquera. 
1868-70.  Santos  Gutierrez. 
1872-74.  Manuel  Murillo-Toro. 
1874-76.  Santiago  Perez. 

PRESIDENTS  OF  ARGENTINA 

1826-27.  Bernardino  Rivadavia.  His 
administration  was  fol- 
lowed by  the  government 
of  the  tyrants,  from  1829 
to  1852. 

1852-53.  General  Urquiza,  provi- 
sional Dictator. 

1853-60.  General  Urquiza,  consti- 
tutional President. 

1862-68.  Bartolome"  Mitre. 

1868-74.  Domingo  Faustino  Sar- 
miento. 

1874-80.  Nicolas  Avellaneda. 

1880-86.  General  Julio  A.  Roca. 

1886-90.  Miguel  Juarez  Celman. 

1890-92.   Carlos  Pellegrini. 

1892-98.  Dr.  Luis  Saenz  Pena. 


262 


APPENDIX 


PRESIDENTS   OF  PERU 


1870.         Guzman  Blanco,  Dictator. 
1873-88.   Guzman    Blanco,    constitu- 


1827-29.  Jos£  Lamar. 

tional  President. 

1829-33.  Gamarra. 

1  835-36.   Salaverry  (the  poet). 

PRESIDENTS   OF   ECUADOR 

1  836-39.  Santa  Cruz. 

1839-43.   Gamarra. 
1845-51.   General  Ramon  Castilla. 
1851-55.   General  Echenique. 
1855-59.  General  Pamon  Castilla. 
1862-63.   San  Roman. 
1863-65.  General  Pezet. 
1865-68.  General  Prado. 
1868-72.  Jose"  Balta. 
1876-79.   General  Prado. 

1830-35.  Juan  Jos6  Flores. 
l835~39-  Vicente  Rocafuerte. 
1839-45.  Juan  Jose  Flores. 
1845-49.  Vicente  Ramon  Roca. 
1850.         Diego  Noboa. 
1856-59.  Francisco  Robles. 
1859-61.  Gabriel     Garcia     Moreno, 
chief  of   the   provisional 

1879-81.  Nicolas  de  Pierola. 
1881-83.  Francisco  Garcia  Calderon. 
1883-85.  General  Iglesias. 
1886-90.  General  Caceres. 

government. 
1861-65.  Gabriel  Garcia  Moreno. 
1868-69.  Javier  Espinosa. 
1869-75.  Gabriel  Garcia  Moreno. 
1875-76.   Borrero. 

1890.         General  Bermudez. 

1876-83.  Ignacio  Veintemilla. 

1883-88.  Jose"    Maria    Placido    Caa- 

PRESIDENTS   OF   CHILI 

mano. 

1888-92.  Antonio  Flores. 

1817-23.  General     O'Higgins,    Dic- 

tator. 

1823-27.  General  Freire,  Dictator. 

PRESIDENTS   OF  BOLIVIA 

1827-29.  General  Pinto,  under  a  con- 

stitution. 

1826-28.  Antonio  Jose  de  Sucre. 

1830-31.  Jose"  Tomas  Ovalle. 

1828.         Marshal  Santa  Cruz. 

1831-41.  General  Prieto. 

1829-33.  General  Agustin  Gamarra. 

The  present  constitutionwas 

1836-39.   Marshal  Santa  Cruz. 

promulgated  in  1833. 

1839-41.  General    Jose"    Miguel    de 

1841-51.  General  Bulnes. 

Velasco. 

1851-61.  Manuel  Montt. 

1841-47.  General  Jos6  Ballivian. 

1861-71.  Jos£  Joaquin  Perez. 

1847-48.  General    Jose    Miguel    de 

1871-76.  Federico  Errazuriz. 

Velasco. 

1848-55.  General     Manuel     Isidoro 

PRESIDENTS   OF  VENEZUELA 

Belzu. 

1855-58.  Jorge  Cordova. 

1813.          Bolivar,  Dictator. 

1858-61.  Jos£  Maria  Linares. 

1831-35.  General  Paez. 

1861-65.  Jose  Maria  Acha. 

1839-43.  General  Paez. 

1865-71.  General  Mariano  Melgarejo. 

1864.         Present    federal     constitu- 

1871-72. General  Agustin  Morales. 

tion  proclaimed. 

1873-74.  Adolf  o  Ballivian. 

APPENDIX  263 


PRESIDENTS  OF  BRAZIL  ^^  ..................... 

1889-91.   Republic  proclaimed.    Gen-  Arequipa  ...................  7,852 

eral  Fonseca  placed  at  the 

head  of   the   provisional       THE  HIGH  PEAKS  OF  THE  ANDES 

government.  FEET. 

1891.  General  Fonseca  elected  Aconcagua  .................  23,910 

President.  Chimborazo  .......  ,  .........  20,498 

1891-94.  General  Peixoto.  Sorata  .....................  21,286 

1894.  Prudente  Moraes.  Elected  HHmani  ....................  20,952 

for  four  years.  Tupangato  .................  21,  149 

Cayambe  ...................  !9>534 

POPULATION   OF   SOUTH   AMERICAN      Cotopaxi  ...................  I9,6oO 

CITIES  Tolima.  ....................  18,420 

Antisana  ...................  13*300 

(Census  1890) 

Buenos  Ayres  ..............  720,000        THE  GREAT  RIVERS  OF  SOUTH 

Rio  de  Janeiro  .............  700,000  AMERICA 

Montevideo...  ..175,000    , 

Amazon  .....................  3,270 

Bahia  .....................  20°'000   Orinoco  .....................  1,600 

Pernambuc°  ...............  W'000   Rio  de  la  Plata  ...............  2,500 

ValParaiso  .................  12$>°°0   Magdalena  ...................    960 

Bogota  ....................  110,000  .- 

Maranon  ....................     450 

Lima  .....................  101,000  TT 

Uruguay  ....................  1,020 

Para  ......................  100,000  _, 

Parana  ......................  2,200 

Rosano  ...................  100,000  ^ 

Paraguay  ....................  1,800 

Quito  .....................  80,000  0  5,  • 

San  Francisco  ................  1,400 

La  Paz  ....................  80,000  _ 

Xingii  ......................  1,300 


1  Tokantuis  ...................  I>300 

Barranquilla  ...............   65,000 


I6»°°°  MILEAGE    OF   RAILWAYS  (l889) 
La  Guayra  .................    14,000 

Bolivar  ....................    1  1,000  Argentina  ...................  6,940 

Concepcion  ................    1  1,000  Brazil  .......................  5,  700 

Araure  ....................    10,000  Peru  ........................  1,630 

Uruguay  ....................     445 

THE  HIGH  CITIES  OF  SOUTH  Venezuela  ...................     183 

AMERICA 

FEET.  VALUES   IN    SOUTH  AMERICAN    COIN 

Oroya  Railroad  (tunnel)  ......  15,645  (1897) 

Potosi  (Bolivia)  .............  13,33°  u.  s.  GOLD  (CENTS). 

Cuzco  ......................  1  1,380  Argentine  Republic,  peso  .......  96.  5 

La  Paz  .....................  10,883  Brazil,  milreis  ................  54.0 

Quito  ......................   9,543  Chili,  peso  ....................  36.5 


264 


APPENDIX 


U.  S.  GOLD    (CENTS). 

Venezuela,  bolivar 19.3 

Bolivia,  boliviano 48.6 

Peru,  sol 48.6 

Colombia,  peso 48.6 

GOLD   PRODUCTION    OF   SOUTH 
AMERICA 


FINE  OUNCES. 


Argentina 
Bolivia  .  . 


4,838 
3,628 


100,000 

75,000 


FINE   OUNCES.  VALUE. 

Brazil 120,950  2,500,000 

Chili 33,866  700,000 

Colombia 188,682  3,900,000 

Ecuador 3,870  80,000 

Guiana  (British). .  125,000  2,583,965 

Guiana  (Dutch)...   26,685  55i,6i8 

Guiana  (French). .    78,700  1,626,941 

Peru 7,256  150,000 

Uruguay 7,256  150,000 

Venezuela 41, 123  850,000 


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